Mindfulness: Propaganda and Narcotic

Thomas Meyer

1. Submission as Freedom: Happiness in the “Best of All Worlds” (Candide/Voltaire)

In the neoliberal regime, people are forced to see themselves as entrepreneurs of their own labor power so that they can properly satisfy the imperatives of the market, with the ultimate aim of “self-determined” submission to the capitalist valorization process and its constraints. In Western democracies, such self-enslavement is understood as freedom. Here democracy, of course, means nothing other than that everyone is formally subjected to the same coercive freedom. Neoliberalism was only the most recent form taken by the “cage of bondage” (Max Weber) that capitalism has always been (cf. Kurz 1999). In the “commodity-producing patriarchy” (Roswitha Scholz), one’s freedom of personality is about as free as a corset. You are supposed to fit in perfectly to the demands of the market, while of course reserving the freedom to tie your own noose however you would like. Everyone has the freedom to strive for their own happiness, which implies nothing less than the fact that failure and falling behind are also one’s own responsibility. Success and failure, suffering and stress are privatized. Subjectivization in neoliberalism throws the individual back on themselves. Social structures are ignored, while collective thinking and action are denied or suppressed. Collective struggle and solidarity seem impossible. Being flexible and remaining resilient is the type of freedom forced upon every individual (see Graefe 2019). Bad health becomes private guilt. Unhealthy people have allegedly eaten the wrong food and exercised too little. According to neoliberal propaganda, this is also the sole responsibility of the individual and is not due to the stress caused by work or the restriction that having a low income places on one’s “freedom of choice” (cf. Mayr 2021). Diseases are becoming a purely medical problem. The so-called diseases of civilization, such as cardiovascular diseases, have a lot to do with the fact that many people are permanently “in overdrive,” or must be, which physiologically results in higher blood pressure. The long-term consequences of higher blood pressure are damage to the blood vessels, which contributes massively to cardiovascular diseases (see Cechura 2018). Furthermore, mental illnesses also become a privatized ailment. Their causes are supposedly located in one’s own brain, and not in the circumstances of life, so that the cure, according to neuroscientific vulgar materialism, is the consumption of psychotropic drugs (cf. Schleim 2021 & Hasler 2023).

This “musical chairs” that everyone is exposed to in varying degrees in the capitalist regime, which is sold as freedom by the dominant propaganda, does not have to end in a psychiatric hospital or a morgue. However, universal competition leads to more and more people being crushed by it, which has negative socio-psychological and health consequences. Those affected by capitalism, especially those who are lonely and isolated, nevertheless try to “somehow” process what is happening to them. There are plenty of self-help books and paid courses that help individuals cope with themselves and the world: You just have to believe in yourself, think positively, be optimistic, change your diet, accept economic or personal crises as opportunities, discover unrecognized potential in and beside yourself, etc. It is a mixture of adaptation to the market, denial of reality and self-abuse. Those who are “realists” transfigure reality and subordinate themselves to it. Esotericism is also part of this context of individual self-optimization. Esotericism promises many people meaning and direction in their lives, seemingly offering a holistic perspective much different from the “cold rationality” of objective science (or medicine). However, instead of placing life crises in a social context and enabling a collective defenseagainst capitalism’s impositions (e.g. through strikes and sabotage), esotericism serves as an opportunity to constantly reinvent oneself as a neoliberal subject through withdrawal into the private sphere and inwardness, through passivation and gobbledygook, through “wholeness” and health, or it helps one endure the stress (cf. Barth 2012). Esotericism often appears to be harmless promotion of the self, but it has always been and still is linked to reactionary and fascist thinking (cf. Kratz 1994, Speit 2021). Of course, esotericism here has nothing to do with its original meaning from antiquity, namely secret or hard-to-access knowledge that not everyone can or should share. What I mean here is the esotericism that is a billion-dollar business. Naturally, elements or aspects of various religious or philosophical traditions are exploited for this purpose and instrumentalized for neoliberal propaganda and self-indoctrination.

2. Meditation as the “Opium of the Masses” (Marx)

A few years ago, Zen Buddhist and management professor Ronald Purser criticized the neoliberal instrumentalization and exploitation of Buddhist meditation practice in his book McMindfulness: How Mindfulness Became the New Spirituality of Capitalism[1] (Purser 2021). In Western countries, so-called mindfulness has become a widespread fad. Mindfulness, which can be achieved through a certain form of meditation practice, is primarily intended to reduce stress and strengthen concentration. This meditation practice is called Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR). A key agitator and preacher of this method is Jon Kabat-Zinn, who Purser repeatedly refers to in the book. This practice says that you should do things like stay in the here and now, not be attached, not judge, have neither negative nor positive feelings, breathe in and out constantly, eat a raisin mindfully, etc. Corresponding courses are used and offered almost everywhere: at schools, at universities, for stressed managers, for stressed employees, for entrepreneurs, at all kinds of conferences, in Davos, and even in the military (so that the soldiers take a deep breath beforehand and don’t fire at random). The mindfulness preachers claim that if everyone just practiced mindfulness, the world could be changed and everything would be fine. Everything is therefore up to the individual. Nothing else needs to be done (such as getting involved in politics, trade unions or, above all, social critique). Just stay mindful in the now. Do Kabat-Zinn & Co really believe their own propaganda? Either way, this idea is based on a bottomless ignorance that doesn’t have or want to have a clue about how the world really works, how other people really live, or the problems marginalized people face. The mindfulness apostles “assume a false unity of human experience” (ibid., 249) and apparently do not even realize from what social filter bubble they are arguing. On the one hand, the mindfulness preachers emphasize that the meditation practice they offer has nothing to do with Buddhism, but is secular (and therefore legal in U.S. public schools), and that its effectiveness is supposedly (neuro)scientifically proven (the evidence, however, as Purser summarizes, is rather thin, statistically insignificant, indistinguishable from placebo or simply non-existent). On the other hand, the same people emphasize, depending on the occasion and situation – which further underlines the instrumental and intellectually dishonest character of the whole thing – that MBSR is supposedly the essence of the Dharma, i.e. fundamentally and essentially related to Buddhism, and that everything else that makes Buddhism Buddhism is more or less superfluous or nonsense. A certain western-white arrogance comes through here. Buddhism is devalued, and there is no serious engagement with it, since this would apparently be detrimental to the commercialization of meditation in the neoliberal regimes of the West. The title of the book was not chosen by chance: McMindfulness.

According to Purser, none of this really has anything to do with Buddhism. It’s not really accurate to say that a Western school of Buddhism is emerging here (just as Chan Buddhism, for example, gave rise to an independent Chinese Buddhism). On the contrary: the mindfulness programs are a product of neoliberal U.S. society; they are therefore situated in a specific context that is not usually made obvious. Mindfulness, on the other hand, as Purser makes clear, is just one aspect of Buddhist practice that cannot be isolated and certainly cannot be seen as a panacea. Purser therefore has no objections in principle to mindfulness and the meditation practices that cultivate it. The decisive factor, as he always emphasizes, is the social context and the objective to be achieved. Meditation is instrumentalized because it is stripped of its context, because the ethical foundations on which it is based and the goal it strives for are excluded (this is what makes its use in the military possible in the first place).[2] Mindfulness is not solely and certainly not primarily about reducing stress and passively breathing in the now; rather, meditation is part of a cultivation of ethics (sila). Right mindfulness as part of the eightfold path has as its goal compassion, a widening of the gaze and not a narrowing of this gaze and fixation on oneself. It is not the individual as an individual who becomes mindful and “compassionate,” but as part of a community (sangha). Mindfulness, stripped of its ethical context and reduced to the sole purpose of coping with stress, ties in perfectly with the neoliberal ideology mentioned above. Buddhism reduced to the consumption of fast food as a means of coping with stress in the neoliberal regime is, as Adorno would probably say in horror, not even Halbbildung.” Instead of looking for the causes of stress, such as working conditions that we could fight against together, stress is individualized and turned into a private problem. The aim of reducing stress is to remain or become a productive worker and to simply cope better with stress, to simply endure it and to fit in ina good mood and relaxed manner. The purpose of this is to keep the capitalist machinery running smoothly. Lenin is definitely to be agreed with here when he writes that “religion […] is a kind of spiritual fusel in which the slaves of capital drown their humanity and their claims to a halfway decent life” (Lenin 1974, 7). The booze with which reality is drowned here consists of sucking on a raisin for minutes on end and allowing yourself to be persuaded that your problems could be solved or your life improved by focusing on the here and now. The aim of “mindfulness-based stress reduction” is not to criticize stress and its causes, but to adapt to working conditions and life circumstances. Of course, this also has nothing to do with socially committed Buddhism (such as that of Thich Nhat Hanh). And certainly nothing to do with a critique of capitalism. Mindfulness agitators such as Kabat-Zinn are, so to speak, among the priests of neoliberalism.

3. Critique & Solidarity Instead of Self-Anesthetization

Just as one can find content in the Judeo-Christian tradition that supports a critical stance toward capitalism and its ideology, content that makes it possible to spark collective solidarity against the impositions and presumptions of capitalism (see Böttcher 2023 & 2022, Ramminger; Segbers 2018 & King 2022), a properly understood Buddhism has the potential to also contribute to the practical and theoretical critique of capitalism. If mindfulness as a moment of Buddhist practice is not instrumentalized and vulgarized for neoliberal propaganda and used as a wellness narcotic for resilience and the suppression of reality, so that through it “oppressive systems work more gently” (Purser 2021, 237), i.e. if it is not reduced to making the individual more resilient and compliant, a proper mindfulness can broaden our view and help us to stand firm, clear-minded, and of good heart together. In the words of Ronald Purser: “Because liberation is a systemic process, it cannot rely on individual methods. Social mindfulness starts with the widest possible lens, focusing collective attention on the structural causes of suffering. Groups work together to establish shared meanings and common ground, developing a socially engaged motivation before turning inwards. Clearly, this is different to an eight-week program in a boardroom. It goes much deeper and has longer-term objectives, combining resistance with meditative practice. The aim is not to de-stress for more business as usual. It’s to overcome alienation by working with others in a common struggle, using inner resources to seek social justice, resisting unjust power both to liberate oppressors and oppressed” (ibid., 254.).

However, a critique of neoliberalism will hardly suffice to adequately grasp and criticize capitalism as a “concrete totality” (Scholz 2009) with its fetishistic valorizing movement M-C-M’ and the gender-specific bourgeois subject form as well as the manifold manifestations of crisis (cf. e.g. Jappe 2023, Kurz 1999 & Scholz 1992). Nevertheless, Purser’s contribution to a critique of neoliberal ideology in the form of “mindfulness” is no minor matter, as the size of the esoteric and self-optimization scene shows. As is well known, the Christian churches also have esoteric self-management in their “pastoral offerings” (cf. Böttcher 2022, 73ff.). Naturally, the church does not want to miss out on any potential market share, which is why it is chumming up to the prevailing zeitgeist. Without a collective solidarity that liberates the individual from their lethargy and isolation and their futile attempts to cope using all kinds of psycho-techniques and medication, any attempt to defend themselves against the anti-social impositions and the terror of the economy is doomed to failure. Religious or pseudo-religious practices that confirm the individual in his isolation and do not even dream of having the “whole” in view are not an alternative to the “cold rationality” of capitalism, but its realization.

Literature

Barth, Claudia. 2012. EsoterikDie Suche nach dem Selbst: Sozialpsychologische Studien zu einer Form moderner Religiosität. Bielefeld: transcript.

Böttcher, Herbert. 2022. “Auf dem Weg zu einer ‚unternehmerischen Kirche’ in Anschluss an die abstürzende Postmoderne.” Available online at: https://www.oekumenisches-netz.de/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Druck_Unternehmerische-Kirche.pdf.

Böttcher, Herbert. 2023. “Weltvernichtung als Selbstvernichtung: Was im Anschluss an Walter Benjamin ‚zu denken’ gib.” In: exit! – Krise und Kritik der Warengesellschaft 20: 159-207.

Cechura, Suitbert. 2018. Unsere Gesellschaft macht krank: Das Leiden der Zivilisation und das Geschäft mit der Gesundheit. Baden-Baden: Tectum Wissenschaftsverlag.

Graefe, Stefanie. 2019. Resilienz im Krisenkapitalismus: Wider das Lob der Anpassungsfähigkeit. Bielefeld: transcript.

Hasler, Felix. 2023. Neue Psychiatrie – Den Biologismus überwinden und tun, was wirklich hilft. Bielefeld: transcript.

Jappe, Anselm. 2023. The Adventures of the Commodity: For a Critique of Value. London: Bloomsbury.

Kratz, Peter. 1994. Die Götter des New Age: Im Schnittpunkt von “Neuem Denken,” Faschismus und Romantik. Berlin: Elefanten.

King Jr., Martin Luther. 2022. I have a dream. San Francisco: HarperOne.

Kurz, Robert. 1999. Schwarzbuch Kapitalismus. Frankfurt: Eichborn.

Lenin. 1974. On Religion. Moscow: Progress Publishers

Mayr, Anna. 2020. Die Elenden: Warum unsere Gesellschaft Arbeitslose verachtet und sie dennoch braucht. Berlin: Hanser.

Purser, Ronald E. 2019. McMindfulness: How Mindfulness Became the New Spirituality of Capitalism. London: Repeater.

Ramminger, Michael and Franz Segbers. 2018. “Alle Verhältnisse umwerfen… …und die Mächtigen vom Thron stürzen” – Das gemeinsame Erbe von Christen und Marx. Hamburg.

Schleim, Stephan. 2021. Gehirn, Psyche und Gesellschaft – Schlaglichter aus den Wissenschaften vom Menschen. Berlin: Springer.

Scholz, Roswitha. 1992. “Der Wert ist der Mann – Thesen zur Wertvergesellschaftung und Geschlechterverhältnis.” In: Krisis – Beiträge zur Kritik der Warengesellschaft 12:19-52.

Scholz, Roswitha. 2009. “Gesellschaftliche Form und konkrete Totalität – Zur Dringlichkeit eines dialektischen Realismus heute.” In: exit! – Krise und Kritik der Warengesellschaft 6: 55-100.

Speit, Andreas. 2021. Verqueres Denken – Gefährliche Weltbilder in alternativen Milieus. Berlin: Ch. Links.


[1] For reasons of space, page references and citations are largely omitted in the following.

[2] This also applies to the neoliberal use of ancient philosophy, such as the Stoa or Plato.

Originally published on Ökumenisches Netz in 10/2024.

Crisis Imperialism

6 Theses on the Character of the New World Order Wars

Robert Kurz

1

Capitalism is not a Buddhist event; it cannot be understood in an ahistorical way. The logic of the principle of valorization, which remains consistent, does not bring about the eternal return of the same, but rather an irreversible historical process with qualitatively different relations. The respective world constellation can only be explained with reference to the development of world capital. When a certain stage of valorization has been exhausted, the associated political institutions, concepts and ideologies also become obsolete. This is all the more true when the world system has reached the level of maturity that it did at the end of the 20th century.

Since the 1980s, the third industrial revolution of microelectronics has begun to set an internal historical limit to the valorization of living labor. Capital is becoming “incapable of valorization” in the sense that at the level of the irreversible productivity and profitability standards it has itself produced, no further real-economic expanded reproduction (an expansion of valorization) is possible. This “structural over-accumulation” of world capital leads to structural mass unemployment in the metropolitan areas through the application of microelectronics, to global overcapacity and a flight of money capital into the financial superstructure (financial bubbles). In the periphery, the lack of capital power prevents microelectronic rearmament; but precisely because of this, entire national economies and world regions collapse all the faster, because they fall so far below the standards of capital-logic that their social reproduction is declared “invalid” by the world market.

The result is a cost-cutting and shutdown race. Globalization is nothing other than transnational rationalization and, in this respect, is actually something qualitatively new. The traditional export of capital in the form of expansive investments abroad according to modular design is being replaced by the outsourcing of business functions in order to exploit global cost differentials. This, on the one hand, creates transnational value chains, while at the same time growing parts of social reproduction dry up and die off. This process is shaped and controlled by equally globalized financial bubble capital.

However, the old gap between metropolises and the periphery remains even under the crisis conditions of globalization; now no longer as a gap in the degree of capitalist development, but as a gap in the degree of social decay. Transnational value creation is becoming more concentrated in the areas of the “triad” (U.S./North America, EU, Japan/South East Asia), while it is becoming ever thinner in the rest of the world. The dynamics of economic globalization in the context of transnational financial markets are breaking up national economic regulatory spaces.

The state in the metropolises is not disappearing, but it is ceasing to be an “ideal total capitalist” in the classical sense. Because, unlike the business economy, it cannot disperse transnationally, it loses one regulatory function after another and mutates into purely repressive crisis management. However, this is not merely a matter of the social degradation of growing sections of society; capital is also involuntarily destroying a whole series of its own structural conditions of existence. This is reflected not least in a contradiction of a new quality between the transnational valorization of capital and the national form of money (currency).

In the periphery, the state apparatuses are dissolving to a far greater extent – along with the majority of capitalist reproduction. Public services are almost completely disappearing, the administration is capitulating, and the repressive apparatuses are running wild. All that remains are small islands of productivity and profitability in an ocean of disorganization and impoverishment. All national economic development comes to a standstill; the globally active corporations snatch up these insular sectors as components of their transnational business economy. At the same time, an economy of plunder emerges in which the physical substance of the collapsed national economy is exploited, and population groups attack each other according to ethnic or religious criteria in a continuation of competition by other means. Marauding groups take the place of social institutions. A large part of the elite is transformed into the leadership of ethnic or religious bandits and clan militias, into warlords and princes of terror.

These conditions are only a transitional stage of the world crisis at the historical limit of the valorization process. For the time being, the economy of plunder can still dock onto the world market and make the exploitation of economic ruins appear to be a continuing process of valorization, just as, on the other hand, it does through the constant inflation of financial bubbles in the core. But both phenomena are approaching complete exhaustion.

2

Against this background, classical imperialism has come to an end. Just as the business economy can no longer be formed and regulated on a national basis, the subjugation and incorporation of capitalistically superfluous population masses no longer makes sense. The territorial form of domination and expansion has become obsolete. The “hands,” which make up the majority of the world’s population, are no longer useful, but are unable to break free from the capitalist logic which, as a negative world-socialization, is maintained at all costs.

In the post-war period, the competition between the old (mainly European) national expansionist powers had already been replaced by the bipolar competition between two superpowers: the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Here, what was decisive was no longer the struggle for national zones of influence, but the question of the regulating principles and modalities of capitalist reproduction. It was about the competition between the historical latecomers on the world market, the societies of “recuperative modernization” in the reference area of the Pax Sovietica, and the societies of the developed capitalist core in the reference area of the Pax Americana. The U.S. had already matured into the sole leading power of the West on the basis of continental resources and the largest domestic market in the world; it had pulled away unassailably thanks to the dynamics of its military-industrial complex after the Second World War.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of “recuperative modernization” in the crisis of the third industrial revolution, there is no going back to the old intra-imperialist conflicts of national expansionist powers. Instead, we are faced with the planetary unification of the Pax Americana, but this in the context of a precarious minority capitalism based on financial bubbles and an economy of plunder. It is ridiculous to talk of a new intra-imperial competition between the U.S. and the FRG or EU. The U.S. military apparatus built up in the decades of the post-war boom is unrivaled; year after year, the U.S. armaments budget is more than twenty times that of Germany. There are neither military nor political and economic conditions for a new rival power.

Despite a certain relevant rhetoric and individual moments of interest, the U.S. is not acting in the name of national territorial expansion, but as a kind of global protective power of the valorization imperative and its laws under conditions of crisis in the world system. Everyone operates in a context of transnational processes of valorization, while simultaneously feeling the pressure of a growing mass of “superfluous” people. Therefore, the role of the U.S. as the last monocentric superpower is not only to be explained externally by its military weight, but also by the deterritorialized conditions of globalization itself. The entirety of transnational capital, the financial markets, and what remains of the state apparatuses in the core are dependent on the ability of the U.S. to police the world.

What has thus emerged is an “ideal total imperialism” under the sole leadership of the U.S., extended via NATO and other world-capitalist institutions. The image of the enemy is clearly not one of internal imperialist national interests, but one of a democratic, total imperialism against the crisis ghosts of the unified world system. The state capitalist empire of failed “recuperative modernization” has been replaced by a diffuse complex of disruptive potentials, ethno- and religious terrorism, anomic conditions, etc. as a new “realm of evil.”

“Ideal total imperialism” essentially acts as a security and exclusion imperialism of the democratic capitalist core against the crisis conditions created by capital itself, without ever being able to overcome them. Security is to be established in order to guarantee the smooth flow of capitalist transactions, even in the precarious islands of valorization on the periphery. This includes, first and foremost, guaranteeing the supply of fuel for the capitalist world machine. Here too, however, it is not a question of specifically national oil interests, but of the process of transnational valorization. The core’s common interest in excluding the mass global migration movement emanating from the collapsing zones of the periphery lies even farther beyond national territorial claims to power.

3

The contradictions within the framework of democratic imperialism as a whole (such as the current dispute between the FRG, France, Belgium etc. on the one hand and the leading power, the U.S., on the other) are of merely secondary importance. To deduce from this the logic of a new major intra-imperial conflict along the lines of the World War II era would be about as intelligent as trying to declare the differences between, say, Nazi Germany and Franco’s Spain (which, as we know, stayed out of the Second World War) to be the “real” conflict of that time.

It is not old-style national competition that determines the current intra-imperial conflicts, but some subaltern governments’ fears of consequences that may no longer be controllable. NATO and the rest of the world are dividing themselves into submissive and hesitant vassals, without the latter being able or even willing to openly rebel against the U.S. The procrastination stems more from the fear of those who do not have their own finger on the trigger, while the compliant are more likely to be those who have nothing more to lose, but also nothing to say anyway.

While up to now, including the Afghanistan intervention, there has been no opposition to the world wars under the aegis of the U.S. and the Red-Green government has sent its Germanic auxiliary troops into the field with oorah-democratic ideology, the announced pre-emptive strike against Iraq is now raising concerns because international law, the UN and sovereignty – the guarantees of the much-invoked capitalist community of states and “peoples” – are being openly disregarded. The FRG, France and the rest of the world are afraid that they will soon be treated in a similar way and that the existing legitimizing construct could give up the ghost.

The fact that the U.S. is so rudely trampling on the rules of the game of the capitalist world of states that it itself installed after 1945 is a formal consequence of the internal contradiction between the national constitution of the last world power on the one hand and its transnational “mission” as a protective power of the globalized valorization process on the other. The deeper substantive reason, however, is that the principle of sovereignty itself, which consists precisely in uniting populations territorially as a “total labor force,” has become obsolete. Even the core states, including the U.S. itself, are relinquishing more and more internal functions of sovereignty through “privatization,” including the apparatus of force. By declaring the sovereignty of “rogue states” null and void in foreign relations as well, the U.S. is only executing the world crisis on the political-legal level, which heralds the end of all civil contractual relationships (and ultimately the end of the sovereignty of the U.S. itself). The conservative resistance to this dynamic on the part of some European states is doomed to failure. Old anti-American resentments may also play a role here, but no longer a decisive one.

4

The problem faced by the all-imperial world police force is that it can only act on the level of sovereignty, which it must, on the other hand, destroy with its own hands. This also applies to the high-tech weapons systems that are geared towards classic territorial conflicts. The ghosts of crises, potential troublemakers, terrorist gangs, etc. cannot be reached in this way because they themselves operate in the folds of globalization. Al Qaeda is structured exactly like a transnational corporation. Military superiority is becoming useless, the “war on terror” is becoming a big swing and a miss. At the same time, the end of the financial bubble economy threatens a severe crisis for the capitalist core, especially for its heart, the U.S. economy itself, and consequently a severe world depression. This would also call into question the continued ability to finance the high-tech apparatus of the last world power.

This is why the U.S. administration has switched back from the “war on terror” to the paradigm of “rogue states.” The pre-emptive strike against Iraq signals a double flight forward. On the one hand, the ruin of Iraqi sovereignty with its exhausted army is to be “defeated” as an easy opponent of a classic state-territorial character in order to show the world who is master of the house. On the other hand, the impending economic collapse is to be cushioned by immediate access to the Iraqi (perhaps also the Saudi) oil fields and the dismantling of OPEC. This is less about the material flow of oil, which would be guaranteed even without military intervention, and more about saving the financial markets in the short term. The dwindling recycling from the financial bubbles must be renewed, and this is not possible without a “future option” for a new secular prosperity. After the “Pacific century” option proved to be just as much a flop in this respect with the collapse of the Japanese and South-East Asian models as the new economy of internet and telecoms capitalism, the “oil at pre-OPEC prices” option is now to bring it under direct U.S. control.

However, this could backfire. The Iraqi army is not a serious opponent, but a possible urban battle for Baghdad and other centers with high casualty figures, major destruction and millions of refugees would morally discredit the U.S. around the world. Above all, however, it would certainly not be possible to install a stable regime; Milosevic and Saddam are in any case obsolete models of sovereignty. However, a U.S. military administration of Iraq and the entire oil region in constant confrontation with guerrillas and terror would be neither affordable nor politically and militarily sustainable and, moreover, anything but a signal of euphoria for the financial markets. The “victory” over Iraq will inevitably be a Pyrrhic victory that can only exacerbate the overall crisis of the world system.

5

However, it is not just about the pseudo-rationality of certain “interests,” which are always subordinated to the irrational end in itself of the principle of valorization. The vulgar materialism of interests fails to recognize the real metaphysics of capital as a secularized religion whose irrationality overwhelms the internal rational interests at the boundaries of the system. The valorization imperative, which is indifferent to all sensual content, ultimately demands the dissolution of the physical world into the empty form abstraction of value, i.e. its annihilation. In this respect, we can speak of an almost gnostic death drive of capital, which expresses itself in the logic of destruction in business management as well as in the potential for violence in competition. Because the contradictions can no longer be resolved in a new model of accumulation, this death drive is now manifesting itself directly and globally.

The self-preservation of the system at all costs turns into the self-destruction of its actors. Mass shooters, suicide cults, and suicide bombers are executing the objective madness to an unprecedented extent as a reaction to the crisis devoid of any prospects. Closely linked to this is the anti-Semitic syndrome as the last crisis-ideological resort of the capitalist subject form, which breaks out again and no longer concentrates on a specific national-imperial constitutional history (such as the German-Austrian one in the past), but floods the world in diffuse post-modern and post-national amalgamations, especially of religious provenance.

Because the capitalist internal rationality of the bourgeois subject of enlightenment cannot represent itself in a new model of accumulation, it no longer forms an immanent potency against the systemic death drive, but itself immediately turns into a moment of this irrationality. Enlightenment and counter-enlightenment, reason and delusion, democracy and dictatorship fall into one. Democratic imperialism as a whole is unable to pacify its own world of crises, but instead becomes the “ideal total mass shooter,” right up to the use of nuclear weapons against the zones of insecurity, the intangible specters of crisis and the masses of the “superfluous,” as the U.S. administration has already openly threatened.

6

There is no longer an immanent alternative. But because the left knows nothing other than to occupy immanent alternatives on the ground of capitalist ontology and developmental history, it largely flees into the past and engages in an absurd argument about whether we are writing 1914 or 1941. Both factions are intellectually stuck in the era of a capital based on national economies and national-imperial powers of expansion, both are illiterate in terms of crisis theory and, more generally, with respect to the critique of political economy, and both cling to the capitalist internal rationality of the bourgeois enlightenment subject.

The nostalgics of 1914 and followers of Lenin’s mummy conjure up the phantasm of an “anti-imperialist” alliance of left-wing pacifists in the metropolises with the “sovereignists” and “peoples” of the Third World, who are supposed to defend their bourgeois independence against Western imperialism. The nostalgics of 1941, on the other hand, are delirious with the idea of an “anti-Hitler” coalition led by the “good” Western powers against “Islamic fascism” and its German accomplices to protect Israel and “civilization.”

But Saddam’s regime is neither a world-threatening Nazi empire nor a hopeful force for national development, and bin Laden is neither a Hitler nor a Che Guevara. The Palestinian state is disintegrating even before it can be founded, because statehood is no longer an emancipatory option at all; conversely, the barbarism of intifada and suicide attacks cannot be equated with the factory extermination of Jews at Auschwitz. The false friends of the Third World subsume Israel under imperialism and ignore its essential quality as a result of global anti-Semitism; the false friends of Israel glorify the reactionary-ultra-religious forces responsible for the murder of Rabin and themselves fall into primitive racist agitation. Some negate Israel as a place of refuge, others ignore the fact that its existence is more endangered by its own internal crisis barbarism than by external military threats.

The zombies of 1914 accept the völkisch-anti-Semitic, culturalist-anti-American neglect of “class struggle” and “anti-imperialism.” The zombies of 1941 abandon any critique of the imperial war for world order, unrestrainedly denouncing both the beleaguered Israeli as well as the U.S. left-wing opposition and distorting the necessary criticism of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism to legitimize democratic bombing terror. What is needed instead is a radical opposition to war that confronts the real world situation and develops a categorical critique of capitalist modernity beyond the false immanence of pseudo-alternatives, which only represent different forms of the same cosmopolitan crisis barbarism.

Originally published on exit-online.org on 03/01/2003.

Crisis Management in Times of Change

The end of neoliberal globalization is giving a boost to neo-fascist crisis management – especially in the former “export world champion”

Tomasz Konicz

It would be wrong, and reminiscent of the bad Marxist tradition, to postulate a one-sided causal inevitability between the development of the economic base and the political-ideological superstructure. Economic development, the unfolding of the internal contradictions of capital, does not unilaterally determine the political system. There are clearly interactions between the two, and the capitalist functional elites have various options open to them when reacting to the consequences of the crisis. Here – and this is crucial – the further course of the crisis can actually be influenced by politics, even if it is, of course, not in a position to overcome the systemic crisis from within capitalism. Many of the emergency measures discussed by politicians in response to crisis episodes can be implemented by governments or regimes of various political orientations. This is particularly evident in the severe crisis phase of the 1930s, when protectionism, labor programs and statism were pursued by states as diverse as Roosevelt’s U.S. and Nazi Germany.

Nevertheless, the latest phase of the crisis, which began at the latest with the pandemic and the surge in inflation, makes a fascist option at least viable, especially in countries with corresponding “traditions.” The fundamental upheaval in the process of crisis and its handling of contradictions was initiated by the pandemic-induced crisis surge. The war in Ukraine is in fact a reaction to this new crisis phase, which is putting an end to neoliberal globalization. This phase is characterized by stagflation, deglobalization, protectionism, active industrial policy, nearshoring and vertical integration.

The four decades of neoliberalism – from the 1980s to around 2020 – were in fact a reaction to the crisis, and they prolonged the unfolding of the internal contradiction of capital. This fundamental contradiction of the capitalist mode of production unfolds as follows: Productive wage labor forms the substance of capital, but at the same time the process of capital valorization strives to displace wage labor from the production process through competitive rationalization measures.

Marx introduced the ingenious term “moving contradiction” for this auto-destructive process. This contradiction of capitalist commodity production, in which capital minimizes its own substance, wage labor, through competition-mediated thrusts of rationalization, can only be maintained by “moving,” by the continuous expansion and further development of new fields of exploitation in commodity production. The same scientific and technological progress that leads to the melting away of the mass of expended wage labor in established branches of industry also gives rise to new branches of industry or production methods.

The result of this is precisely the kinds of change to the overall industrial structure – the ability of capital to constantly “reinvent itself” – that the bourgeois apologists of capitalism are so proud. Since the beginning of industrialization in the 18th century, the capitalist economy has been characterized by a structural change in which the textile industry, heavy industry, the chemical industry, the electrical industry and, most recently, Fordist vehicle manufacturing served as leading sectors that exploited wage labor on a massive scale. With the advent of automation and the IT revolution, the process of changing the structure of industry began to fail in the 1970s and 1980s. These new technologies created far fewer jobs than were rationalized away by their application to the economy as a whole. The productive forces thus burst “the fetters of the relations of production” (Marx) and capital came up against an “inner barrier” (Robert Kurz) to its ability to develop.

How Neoliberalism “Rescued” Capitalism

That capital as a moving contradiction had reached its inner limit was demonstrated very concretely in the crisis period of stagflation that followed the post-war boom, as no new leading industrial sector with mass valorization of wage labor could be developed. The late 1970s and early 1980s were characterized by anemic economic growth, frequent recessions, rapidly rising mass unemployment and an inflation rate that sometimes reached double digits. From a historical perspective, the stagflation of the 1970s – a portmanteau formed from the words stagnation and inflation – was precisely the period of crisis that paved the way for neoliberalism, as Keynesian crisis coping strategies has failed.

In addition to destroying or disempowering the labor movement (Great Britain, U.S.), which led to a long-term stagnation of wage levels in the U.S., neoliberalism reacted to the crisis by removing the “safety nets” from capitalism, with a flight forward in which the markets – especially the financial sector – were deregulated. In order to avoid collapsing due to its internal contradictions, capitalism effectively left the ground of labor exploitation during the neoliberal turn of the 1980s in order to take to the lofty heights of an economic structure dominated by financial markets. The system reacted to the failure of a change to the industrial structure by establishing the financial system as the “lead sector.”

Capital valorization was thus increasingly simulated on the financial markets under neoliberalism. Since no real capital valorization can be carried out within the financial sphere in the long term, growth in the four neoliberal decades was ultimately fueled by a historically unique boom in the most important commodity that the financial sector has to offer: credit. The capitalist world system thus runs on credit, on the anticipation of future utilization, which is pushed further and further into the future through lending. Credit generates the demand that sustains capitalist commodity production, which is choking on its productivity. This can be seen in concrete terms in global debt, which has risen much faster than global economic output in the neoliberal era: from around 120% in the 1970s to 238% in 2022.[1]

The central mechanism that transformed the increasing financial market-generated debt into real economic growth was the speculative bubble. Since the 1980s, the system has thus been increasingly based on the “hot” air of various speculative bubbles that are constantly forming anew: from the dot-com bubble at the turn of the millennium, when the emergence of the Internet led to wild speculation in high-tech stocks that crashed in 2000, to the real estate bubble in Europe and the U.S., to the large liquidity bubble maintained by central banks, which was only brought to an end by inflation in 2020. When a bubble would burst, there would be a threat of a more widespread crash, which would then be prevented by the emergence of a new speculative bonanza. One could speak here of a veritable transfer of bubbles, in which all the fiscal and monetary policy measures used to combat the consequences of a burst speculative dynamic contribute to laying the foundations for the formation of a new bubble. Ultimately, capitalist financial policy can only put out the speculative fire with gasoline.

The End of Neoliberalism

However, this was not a linear process, but a dynamic one. The costs of stabilizing the global financial system increased more and more as each bubble burst until, in the inflationary phase of monetary policy, outside of the U.S. with its world reserve currency, there was no alternative but to stop the expansionary monetary policy that had been at the root of the boom in the financial markets. Capitalist crisis policy has ridden its financial market-driven, neoliberal horse to death after using this horse to flee from the inner barrier of capital for over four decades. The neoliberal postponement seems to be coming to an end, and the stagflation that has been forgotten for decades is returning on a much higher level. The most important difference between today’s wave of inflation and the historical phase of stagflation is that a phase of high interest rates, such as that initiated by Fed Chairman Volcker from 1979, no longer offers a way out in view of the unstable financial sphere.

With the end of the global deficit economy, the global deficit cycles, which in fact formed the base of neoliberal globalization, were also damaged. Not all economies became equally indebted in the neoliberal era; export-oriented locations were able to export their production surpluses to deficit countries as part of these cycles. The largest, namely the Pacific deficit cycle between the U.S. and China, was characterized by the fact that the People’s Republic, which was rising to become the workshop of the world, exported gigantic quantities of goods across the Pacific to the de-industrializing U.S., thus creating enormous trade surpluses, while a financial market flow of U.S. debt securities flowed in the opposite direction, so that for a time China became Washington’s largest foreign creditor. A similar, smaller deficit cycle developed between Germany and the southern periphery of the eurozone in the period from the introduction of the euro to the euro crisis.

Globalization was thus not only characterized by the establishment of global supply chains, it also consisted of a corresponding globalization of debt dynamics in the form of deficit cycles, which, as mentioned, grew faster than global economic output – and consequently acted as an important economic engine by generating credit-financed demand. The globalization that brought about these gigantic global imbalances was a systemic reaction, a flight forward from the increasing internal contradictions of the capitalist mode of production, which is choking on its own productivity.

The Return of Protectionism

The euro crisis is, to some extent, a good case study for what is now unfolding globally: As long as the mountains of debt are growing and the financial market bubbles are on the rise, all of the countries involved seem to benefit from this credit-based growth. However, as soon as the bubbles burst, the battle over who should bear the costs of the crisis begins. In Europe, as we know, Berlin has used the crisis to pass on the costs of the crisis to southern Europe in the form of Schäuble’s infamous austerity dictates. Now, on a global level, the collapse of the much larger debt-financed deficit economy, which has recently been kept alive primarily by the expansive monetary policy of the central banks, is imminent. Rising nationalism and neo-fascism, the acute threat of world war: they are an expression of this very crisis process. An analogy can therefore be drawn with the pre-fascism of the 1930s, when the fallout from the global economic crisis that broke out in 1929 was exacerbated by a rapid rise in protectionism.

Which brings us to Germany’s misery. With the erosion of globalization, the long-term economic strategy of strict export orientation pursued since the introduction of the euro by the Federal Republic, whose economic “business model” was based on achieving the highest possible trade surpluses within the framework of the aforementioned deficit cycles, is also failing. With this so-called beggar-thy-neighbor policy, debt, deindustrialization and unemployment are exported to the target countries of the export surpluses. After Berlin had ruined the European crisis states through draconian austerity policies, this export strategy was directed at non-European countries – such as the U.S.[2]

However, this export-focused strategy is increasingly coming into conflict with the protectionist tendencies in Washington, where the Biden administration is effectively continuing Trump’s economic nationalism aimed at reindustrialization. Washington is no longer prepared – precisely because of increasing domestic political instability – to continue accepting the high trade deficits that stabilized the hyper-productive world system during neoliberal globalization. These deficits were, of course, only made possible by the dollar serving as the world’s reserve currency. As early as mid-2023, the Financial Times described this change in Washington’s economic policy strategy, which was initiated by the Trump administration and further promoted by Biden. At its core, it is a protectionist rejection of globalization. By means of a “foreign policy for the middle class,” the White House wanted to counteract the “hollowing out of the industrial base,” the emergence of “geopolitical rivals” and the increasing “inequality” that threatens democracy.[3]

A visible expression of the full onset of deglobalization is nearshoring, in which the U.S. is seeking to replace its economic dependence on the Chinese export industry by building up industrial capacities in Mexico. In addition, German automotive suppliers continue to face the threat of exclusion from U.S. production chains due to provisions of the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act. A substantial concession from Washington is also unlikely, as protectionism appears to be working. German companies in particular are increasingly investing in the U.S. in order to benefit from Washington’s subsidies. In effect, there is an economic decoupling between the U.S. and the EU, with Washington pulling away economically while the Europeans in particular have to bear the consequences of the crisis.

The Danger of “Authoritarian Revolt”

Berlin thus spent the 21st century orienting the Federal Republic – and from 2010, in the wake of the euro crisis, the eurozone – towards an export-fixated economic model aimed at achieving trade surpluses in the globalized world economy of the neoliberal era. With the onset of deglobalization, the former export surplus world champion has found itself in an economic policy impasse, which in the medium term not only calls into question the political stability of the Federal Republic of Germany, but also the continued political existence of the eurozone. And it is precisely this return of protectionism that is giving the New Right an additional boost. The properly functioning export economy acted as a kind of civilizational safety mechanism in Germany, with its terrible authoritarian-fascist tradition, as it provided a solid economic argument against nationalism. After all, Germany was a “winner” during the process of globalization.

However, it is the German export industry that is currently experiencing a downturn, which is actually just the beginning of the end of the export-focused German economic model. The sharp decline in exports in 2023 has contributed significantly to the poor economic development in Germany, with little improvement expected in the coming years. This also means, however, that the prosperous years made possible by export surpluses will inevitably come to an end for the Federal Republic. The power-political weight of the German export industry will therefore diminish at a time when, for the first time in a long time, Germany will also enter a long-lasting crisis phase, from which the New Right once again threatens to benefit.

Yet it was precisely the functionaries of the large-scale export industry who repeatedly took a stand against the New Right. The AfD and the dull Nazis were seen as an image problem that was damaging the “Made in Germany” brand in its quest for global success. The BDI (Federation of German Industries) and top managers such as Siemens CEO Joe Kaeser were able to cite real economic interests in their arguments against the right. The capital faction that is most resolutely opposed to AfD participation in government is therefore the German large-scale export industry, which is currently losing influence due to the crisis. The reactionary avant-garde within the functional elite, which made pacts with the AfD and the Querfront very early on, consists of small business owners and SMEs, as can be seen from the links between the association of “family entrepreneurs” and the AfD. Capitalists focused on the domestic market (“Müller Milch”) also appear to be more inclined to consider far-right options.

The AfD is already the second strongest force at federal level. The fact that the rise of the AfD took place during a phase of relative economic prosperity shows just how thin the civilizational ice has become in Germany; it was fueled by German fear of crisis, not by an actual outbreak of crisis, such as the one southern Europe had to endure during the euro crisis. Since the refugee crisis, the entire bourgeois-liberal anti-fascism, which was largely in line with the arguments of the export industry, has emphasized the economic “usefulness” of globalization, open borders for the movement of goods and immigration: refugees are economically useful due to the ageing of the Federal Republic, the export country must remain attractive for skilled workers, at least according to the common arguments. However, these narratives cultivated in the liberal mainstream will disappear as soon as stagnation and recession become entrenched in Germany, while exports will continue to decline in order to give further impetus to the “German fear” that so readily turns into hatred of the socially disadvantaged.

The crux of the matter is that this authoritarian revolt will never come to power unless a substantial part of the ruling elite opts for this fascist option. And there are signs of an open split within the German ruling elite regarding the participation in government of a party that is drifting towards the extreme right. This is the decisive breach in the dam: will entire factions follow the previous AfD sympathizers such as Mr Müller von der Müllermilch or the Mövenpick billionaire Baron August von Finck? In the middle class? Among family entrepreneurs?

Fascist movements only come to power in times of crisis when the shocks and upheavals have reached such an extent that functional elites perceive these movements as the “lesser evil.” To put it vividly: only when capital managers are so deeply mired in the crisis that they are up to their necks in water do they hold their noses and reach out to the extreme right. And then there is no stopping them, as the fascist authoritarian revolt, which always craves the approval of the authorities, is further fanned by this (which, incidentally, also defeats the left-wing intention of shaking up their supporters by unmasking the powerful fascist backers. Authoritarian characters are not deterred but attracted by the cronyism of AfD functionaries and billionaires).


[1] https://www.imf.org/en/Blogs/Articles/2023/09/13/global-debt-is-returning-to-its-rising-trend

[2] https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c0003.html

[3] https://www.ft.com/content/77faa249-0f88-4700-95d2-ecd7e9e745f9

Anti-Semitism From the Left

Reactions to The Attack on October 7

Herbert Böttcher

Initial reactions to the Hamas terror attack were characterized by cautious expressions of empathy with the victims, condemnation of the terror, and solidarity with Hamas. At pro-Palestine demonstrations, however, there was soon hardly any sign of shock at the terror. The focus was on the “liberation” of Palestine and Hamas as part of the struggle for “liberation” from Israel. “Hope for Palestine […] Left-wing resistance groups support offensive against Israel,” cheered Junge Welt.[1] During such offensives, the hatred against Israel is discharged in slogans such as “Zionists are fascists, they murder children and civilians.”[2] Around the stands at the Rosa Luxemburg Conference, tones could be heard with which the official program did not wish to identify, but which nevertheless provided a glimpse into what moves left-wing hearts and minds: Hamas is needed to strengthen “socialist class consciousness,” their attack is “an expected response to decades of oppression.” These statements are not intended to justify the attack, but to help “understand” it.[3]

The “Understanding” of the Left

It is “understood” that Israel is the perpetrator and that the victims are defending themselves against this perpetrator. This shift between victims and perpetrators is one of the anti-Semitic stereotypes present on the left. This view gained momentum with the start of the ground offensive. High casualty figures and images of Palestinian suffering can be used to mobilize media-effective and emotionalized outrage against Israel and delegitimize Israel as a state. Although Israel’s reaction in the face of such a terrorist attack was predictable, perhaps even calculated by Hamas, the denunciation of Israel can be used to score points with a public in which anti-Semitism in the form of hostility towards Israel is resonant. Behind the outrage over the “humanitarian catastrophe” in the Gaza Strip, the barbaric terror of Hamas disappears, along with the anti-Semitism found in its charter, which also strategically pursues the goal of destroying Israel and all Jews.

The memory of the extermination of the Jews during the Nazi era is an obstacle to the fight for the “liberation” of Palestine and to the expression of hatred towards Israel. It blocks uninhibited criticism of Israel and solidarity with the Palestinians. Thus the slogan: “Free Palestine from German guilt.” Academically, it seems to be backed up by genocide researcher A. Dirk Moses’ attack on the German culture of remembrance. According to him, this culture has become a supervised, cultishly celebrated staging and is combined with the devaluation of colonial crimes in particular and a reflexive solidarity with Israel.[4]

Anti-Semitism And Capitalism

Judith Butler situates the Hamas attack within the history of violence in the Middle East. She refers to what she sees as the systematic seizure of land and its protection through arbitrary measures such as controls and arrests.[5] She also says it is wrong to blame the “apartheid regime alone” for Hamas’ terror. That Israel is an “apartheid regime” seems indisputable to her. Categorically, colonialism and racism are the reference variables for Butler’s contextualization of terror. In such postmodern culturalist post-colonialism, any reference to capitalism remains vague and its crisis unnoticed. Thus, anti-Semitism as a projective way of processing capitalist crises cannot come into view. Instead of reflecting on anti-Semitism, racism and colonialism in their references to each other and in their differences, as well as the context of the crisis of global capitalism, Butler denounces violence “on both sides,” pleads “for true equality and justice” and wishes for “a world that resists the normalization of colonial domination and supports the self-determination and freedom of the Palestinians.” The domination of capital becomes colonial domination. What is hallucinated is an “Eden of the innate rights of man”[6] that abstracts from commodity production and ends up in an abstract universalism. Contextually, however, the universal critique of violence and calls to end it are related to Israel as a military and occupying power, which arbitrarily holds the Gaza Strip in check as an “open-air prison” and is now also bombing it. It is no coincidence that Butler also attacks the German culture of remembrance. It no longer allows compassion for anyone other than the Jews. However, the particularity of the conflict constellations can neither be separated from the generality of capitalist forms nor derived from them in terms of identity logic. Accordingly, different levels such as cultural differences and psychological crisis management must be taken into account. Colonialism, racism, anti-Semitism and antiziganism cannot therefore be understood “beyond” capitalist forms. But they can’t be derived from them in the logic of a mechanistic scheme of cause and effect either.

Actionist left-wing movements, on the other hand, may consider reflecting upon these distinct yet interconnected levels too complicated and find that this reflection contributes little to the desired self-efficacy. Without such reflection, however, practice degenerates into dull actionism that feeds on moral indignation. Practice is directed against Israel as a supposedly imperial and colonial actor and is lived out in Israel-related anti-Semitism in an experience-intensive way and with the good gut feeling of being on the right side in the global struggle for liberation. Taking sides sorts people into evil imperialists and good colonized people. Such certainties ignore the fact that the struggle is fought within the framework of the collapsing capitalist forms of market and state, capital and labor, subject as agent in competition, etc. and is without an emancipatory perspective, because liberation is sought as national liberation within the collapsing state form. This ignores the fact that capitalism has reached a limit with the microelectronic revolution. Capitalism can no longer overcome this limit because of the disappearance of labor as a substance for the accumulation of capital, and this limit is expressed in the various processes of disintegration, not least in the disintegration of states. It is precisely these crisis processes that fuel anti-Semitism as a projective crisis reaction that cannot be separated from capitalism and its crises.

The Dual Character of The State of Israel

Against the one-sided classification of Israel as a capitalist state, Robert Kurz has pointed out the dual character of the state of Israel. It is not simply a colonial product, but essentially a rescue project for Jews threatened by persecution and annihilation and, as such, a project against anti-Semitism. As a capitalist state, it is exposed to all the same processes of social and state disintegration as other capitalist states. Like them, it has to deal with these crises, but it is surrounded by an environment that threatens its existence, and above all it is unable to fall back on reserves of anti-Semitism to deal with the crisis. In this context, national-religious and racist processing strategies come into play. Secular and socialist-oriented Zionism is moving closer to nationally and religiously orthodox movements and parties. Identitarian and authoritarian tendencies in Israel are taking on the form of theocratic, national-religious movements that are combined with anti-Arab projections. These tendencies are gaining more and more influence on government policy and are institutionally anchored in the Netanyahu government. Rational security policy strategies to defend the existence of Israel are mixed with irrationalisms of ultra-orthodox promises of salvation. However, authoritarian, identitarian, right-wing mobilizations are not simply “typically Israeli.” They can be seen in all capitalist states as an attempt to cope with global processes of disintegration. With regard to Israel, it is noteworthy that the shift to the right is being met with resolute criticism and a determined struggle, which is primarily directed against the judicial reform aimed at restricting the control of the government by the Supreme Court.

Anti-Semitism Instead of a Radical Critique of Capitalism

Instead of advancing towards a radical critique of capitalism in the face of the global crisis processes, left-wing movements stick to the familiar. They continue to see themselves as national liberation movements without acknowledging that, in view of the failure of recuperative development due to the immanent limitations of capitalism, an autonomous state cannot be a prospect. All dreams of a “two-state solution” fail because the basis of modern statehood breaks away with the barriers to capital accumulation that can no longer be overcome. In this paradoxical situation, traditional forms of state-building are combined with denationalization in the form of warlodization and mafia-like structures. The global crisis processes have long since steamrolled the possibilities of national revolutionary liberation. This means that all strategies that rely on a pole of capitalist immanence – be it class struggle or the state as a regulating authority or even as a haven of liberation – are failing.

In this way, an emancipatory overcoming of capitalism cannot come into view and the core of the crisis as an internal barrier to capital accumulation must remain incomprehensible. As long as the left remains blind to the critique of the capitalist constitution in its fetishistic forms, it remains open to a crisis ideology in which the crisis is processed ideologically by projecting it onto “the Jews” and the “Jewish state.” In anti-Semitism, which feeds on the collective unconscious, Israel is pilloried as “the Jew” of states and becomes the object of projective crisis processing. This can be linked to stereotypes such as the differentiation between rapacious capital and the creative capital that is tied to labor. This expresses the separation of the abstract (money) and the concrete (labor), whereby the abstract can be projected onto “the Jews.” They become masters of money and the mind. They are ascribed a superior power by means of which they are able to conspire and rule the world.

The imagination of a world conspiracy was a core element of the Nazis’ anti-Semitic propaganda. It turned up again in the Hamas charter of 1988 and becomes effective in battles aimed at the annihilation of Israel and all Jews. In the anti-Semitic world view, the militarily defended existence of Israel is worse than any other form of oppression and violence. The delusion that the world would be liberated if it were “free of Jews” is therefore obvious in this view. The abstract domination of capitalism can be concretized in “the Jews” and in the “Jewish state.”  Seen as perpetrators of conspiratorial deeds, they can be identified as the masterminds behind oppression and domination. Liberation from “the Jews” takes the place of liberation from the capitalist socialization constituted in the fetishistic interrelation of value and dissociation, capital and labor, economy and politics. The empty and uncanny irrational capitalist self-purpose of turning money into more money can supposedly be identified and made tangible. Powerlessness becomes an imagined power to act. Capitalism appears to be transformable without one having to touch its fetishistic structure. Money and labor, a state that regulates the market, etc. can be retained and the dissociation of female-connoted reproduction can remain in the kitchen of being considered a secondary contradiction. Transformation can become a return to an “original” capitalism of honest work and good political regulation that also brings crises under control. Normality seems to be saved. “Under the spell of the tenacious irrationality of the whole, the irrationality of people is normal.” It is always “ready in political attitudes to overflow even this instrumental reason.”[7] In times of escalating crises, it is tempting to cling to the normality of the irrational social whole and to defend it by fending off and destroying anything that supposedly threatens it – be it refugees, foreigners, the supposedly “work-shy” or, above all, the Jews.

The anti-Semitism of the left reflects the deficits of left-wing critiques of capitalism. What is decisive is that, despite the failure of commodity production and its promise of immanent emancipation, the left shies away from criticizing the fetishistic social context of the capitalist constitution, which confronts individuals as abstract domination. Instead of making this the object of emancipatory critique – the interrelation of value and dissociation, production and circulation, capital and labor, market and state – the attempt is made to attribute domination to specific actors. This paves the way for personalization, emotionalization, indignation, and conspiracy fantasies – a conglomeration that can be “unleashed” and aggressively discharged at any time in projective anti-Semitism.

In a situation in which the social contradictions can no longer be overcome immanently, leftists have also contributed to a mixture of class struggle thinking, practice fetishism and theoretical hostility so that categorical critique can be disarmed and the supposedly “concrete” can be positioned against the supposedly “abstract.” In contrast to the Nazis, whose anti-Semitism was linked to Fordist accumulation, capitalist accumulation in the current crises comes to nothing and also leaves the subjects “naked” in their lack of prospects. Their ability to compete has been deprived. In such hopelessness, the boundaries between murder and suicide threaten to become blurred. The delusion of projective crisis management could mix with tendencies that lead to the destruction of the self and the world in the capitalist form in an immanently hopeless situation. In the “Middle East,” the disintegration of world capital comes to a head in the unpromising and at the same time dangerous actions of state actors who, in the midst of the disintegration processes, are looking for a “foothold,” not least militarily, and at the same time for strategic advantages within the disintegrating state constellations.


[1] junge Welt from 09/10/23

[2] Jüdische Allgemeine from 2/9/24

[3] Tagesspiegel from 1/13/24

[4]Der Katechismus der Deutschen

[5] Freitag no. 42, 2023.

[6] Marx, Capital Volume 1, New York, 1976, 280.

[7] Adorno, “Opinion, Delusion, Society

Originally published, in a slightly modified form, in konkret 4/2024

The Great Regression

Tomasz Konicz

When reflecting on the catastrophe of the German left, it seems counterproductive to point the finger at individual actors who, through their actions, promoted the disintegration that is now openly taking place. If a new beginning based on radical critique is still possible, it would be fundamentally wrong to try to pin the causes of the rise of the Querfront and the corresponding loss of significance of the Left on individual perpetrators – no matter how influential they may have been – because this would ultimately amount to simple personification. It would be the first step in the wrong direction. The causes of the rise of the Querfront, which has been able to develop far greater weight in the current systemic crisis than in the 1920s or 1930s, lie deeper than the striving for power and the megalomania of someone like Sahra Wagenknecht.

It seems to make more sense to start with the terms and ideological concepts of the old left, which proved so susceptible to the New Right. These are anachronistic ideas that have fallen out of time and are seeking to catch up with their stock conservative bearers, who literally cannot or do not want to understand the late capitalist world due to their blindness to the crisis. They are feral remnants of the old social-democratic or orthodox communist left, most of whom think in 20th century categories. Social democrats, Leninists, parts of the anti-Germans caught up in a World War II loop – these regressive splinters of a world-historical attempt that failed in 1989 are mutating into carriers of right-wing ideology by means of the Querfront, as their entire political reference system has become increasingly decoupled from the reality of the crisis of late capitalism.

Sahra Wagenknecht, the figurehead of the German Querfront, has coined the oxymoronic term “left-wing conservatism” for this decaying form of the left, which is no longer a left-wing left. The delusion is aptly named: a left that no longer acts progressively, one that is backward-looking, can no longer be called left-wing. In fact, the conservative longing for the past dominates this old (post-)left. They long for the FRG of the economic miracle, for the Soviet Union and/or GDR, for the clearly demarcated power constellation of the Second World War, etc. – while the unreflected, relentlessly advancing socio-ecological crisis process, together with the corresponding process of fascization, promotes a comprehensive regression in the scene.

Regression, the fear-induced relapse into earlier forms of development, here means above all different types of ideological defense against the crisis, as the crisis process threatens to blow up the anachronistic ideological edifice in which the old left has made itself at home – this distinguishes left-wing regression from the usual reactionary tendencies of the right. In concrete terms, regression on the left takes the form of a reactionary struggle against radical crisis theory, against a categorical critique of capitalism. Regression thus ultimately strives to fend off the establishment of a radical crisis consciousness that has reflected on the necessity of overcoming capital as a social totality in order to survive. This would inevitably be tantamount to breaking out of the capitalist thought-prison, which would ultimately also leave behind the forms, institutions and levels of mediation of subjectless capitalist domination. This would be a deep rupture that also affects one’s own identity – an expression of socialization in late capitalism. And this also affects the subject, including the worker, who could only be “revolutionary” if he no longer wanted to be a worker. People no longer have to want to be what they were socialized to be under capitalism.

The old left shies away from this deep, categorical break with its beloved enemy, capital.[1] This hesitancy can be traced back to the ambivalence towards the proletariat in Marx’s work.[2] The widespread repression and marginalization of radical, transformational crisis consciousness that has been pursued by the old left and the Querfront in recent years has not only resulted from ideological blindness and a literal identitarian fear. It has also been promoted by a left-wing crisis opportunism that is still eyeing posts and positions in the late capitalist crisis administration.[3] The modest degree of reflection on the systemic crisis that had already been achieved has largely been lost; the consciously conducted categorical critique of capital in its fetishistic rampage has been replaced by affectless, irrational reactions to the crisis.[4] The rise of the Querfront  in the left went hand in hand with the marginalization of radical crisis theory and categorical critique of late capitalism.

What, then, is meant by this old left, most of which absurdly believes in the state? The old left does not necessarily have to be old; there are also an increasing number of young people in orthodox communist or Keynesian groups, networks and associations – precisely as an ideological expression of the increasing tendencies towards state capitalism caused by the crisis. The common denominator of the old left is formed by various rudiments of an anachronistic ideology that is fading into decay, turning brown, and opening itself up to the fascism of the 21st century. What is preached by the old left is a return to the old – social democratic or Leninist – truths, either to the social democratic struggle for redistribution, to the social question, to Keynes, to Lenin or even to Stalin, to truncated class struggle thinking and to the fetishization of labor and the proletariat.

This return to the ideas and concepts of the past was originally intended to bring to light the simple truths that had been lost and to counter the flat out lies and agitation of the right. Right-wing populism was to be countered by left-wing populism. What this great regression, in its blindness to the crisis, actually brought to light when rummaging through old left-wing ideological canned goods were stale, anachronistic terms and concepts that had fallen out of their time. These terms were gutted – stripped of their historical context – and themselves fell victim to regression, seeking connection with or docking onto the Querfront and right-wing delusion. They are ideological splinters in regression, anachronistic decaying forms of old-left ideology on its way to the New Right.

First and foremost is the concept of the proletariat as a revolutionary subject, a concept that is experiencing a regression towards a populist belief in the people and the will of the people. Since the working class, which is also variable capital, has not fulfilled its revolutionary destiny, a regressive substitution began in parts of the left, in which the people were generally imagined to be the new, blurred reference point. The will of the people was to be given populist expression, with the interests of the people being imagined in opposition to the ruling class or – to a lesser extent – to profiteers/the rich. But what happens when the people do not want to take a stand against the “rich profiteers,” but instead take refuge in racism and xenophobia? Doesn’t this popular will also have to express the legitimate interests of the people, doesn’t it also have to be able to be turned in a social direction by linking social demands with stronger border protection?

The cult of the proletariat, which has degenerated into a “popular belief,” is closely linked to the old-left class struggle paradigm. According to this paradigm, capitalism is nothing more than the front line in the battle between two two classes, the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, each of which has its own class interest and is engaged in a permanent – sometimes open, sometimes covert – class struggle, which is imagined as the main contradiction of capitalism. To this class struggle thinking, everything appears in terms of interests. All capitalist phenomena can accordingly be traced back to interests, which the class struggle leftists ask about with the famous Leninist “Cui bono?”(“Who benefits?”). Here, a conflict in the realm of distribution is blown up into the main contradiction of capital, while its inner contradiction is ignored. This inner contradiction tends to melt away the substance of capital – wage labor in commodity production – and capital can only prolong this “moving contradiction” in ever new spurts of expansion.

The current social and ecological world crisis is being fueled precisely by this contradiction-driven compulsion of capital to constantly grow, and this is quite obvious.[5] However, the class struggle left, with its truncated critique of capitalism, can only ask the question: cui bono? This blindness to the crisis, which ignores the fetishism of capital, leads directly to scapegoating and the reactionary belief in conspiracies that characterize right-wing crisis ideology.[6] Even if entire parts of the world threaten to become uninhabitable in the wake of the climate crisis, even if a pandemic rages, the old left, sometimes together with the new right, can only manically search for the influential, shadowy backers who are somehow responsible because they stand to profit from it.

The ideological division of capital into a “good,” nationally creative industrial capital and an “evil,” “globalist” financial capital is also part of the complex of the truncated critique of capitalism. As is well known, the Nazis took this delusion of an all-powerful Jewish banker conspiracy, which was apparently responsible for all kinds of crises and distortions, to an eliminatory extreme by enriching it with fanatical anti-communism in the form of the delusion of the “Jewish-Bolshevik world conspiracy.”

Historically, this anti-Semitic delusion of “destructive Jewish finance capital” was the most important starting point for Querfront efforts, for example those undertaken by the KPD in 1923 as part of the so-called “Schlageter course,” which nevertheless remained merely an episode (see the quote at the beginning of this text).[7] In the current left, the one-sided critique of the financial markets was mainly pursued by Keynesians and by the notorious “financial market critic” Wagenknecht after the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. This truncated critique turned the actual nature of the crisis on its head, as the causes of the crisis are, in reality, to be found in the hyper-productivity of commodity production, which must be supplied with credit-financed demand through the formation of bubbles and mountains of debt.[8] Even in her most recent works, Wagenknecht produced variations of this reactionary “financial market critique,” which has an open flank to anti-Semitism.

The decay products of anti-imperialism, which, in the 1980’s, already had to deal with the problem of many of the modernization regimes that emerged from the great wave of decolonization simply failing socio-economically or being arch-reactionary and/or mass murderous – such as Saddam Hussein’s Iraq – form another old-left transitional milieu to the Querfront. At the time, these regimes were described as “objectively anti-imperialist powers,” seen as progressive simply because of their opposition to the U.S., even if they bloodily persecuted the left (Iran after the revolution) or massacred minorities (Iraq’s poison gas war against the Kurds).

The sympathies of the anti-imps for reactionary regimes or bloody modernization dictatorships in the periphery of the world system, which are usually accompanied by primitive anti-Americanism, found in Vladimir Putin’s Russia the appropriate object to tie in with the emerging New Right, which ideologically docked onto the “Eurasian” Russia because it also sees itself as a culturalist-reactionary counterweight to the West.

The war in Ukraine sparked by the Kremlin also led to a further disintegration of the German left, which on the one hand – in the form of the left-liberal spectrum – uncritically adopted the Western narrative and defected to the NATO camp, while many anti-imps finally degenerated into alternative imperialists, mouths for hire of Russian imperialism. Incidentally, even in May 2024, the Putin-loyal Junge Welt, as the mouthpiece of the anti-imp spectrum, still maintains a benevolent line towards Wagenknecht and the BSW, even though its protagonists now openly spout AfD rhetoric. There are also personal entanglements between Junge Welt and the Querfront organ Telepolis, for example.

Anti-Americanism as a major ideological hinge between the old left and the New Right often corresponds to different types of opposition to Western liberalism. While the left condemns the excesses of privatization and the social dismantling that neoliberalism brought about, New Right thinkers such as Alain de Benoist criticize liberalism for its cosmopolitanism, rootlessness, identity void and lack of values. Here too, transitions are possible, for example by means of a nationally based, truncated critique of globalization. The critique of globalization can certainly degenerate into mere ideology, into an urge for right-wing renationalization. The critique of bourgeois freedom and neoliberal individualization/atomization can consequently turn into a nationalist/fundamentalist community ideology – which, however, would only ideologically legitimize the current post-neoliberal crisis phase, in which state capitalism, nationalism and protectionism are on the rise. Here, too, Wagenknecht has already done the groundwork.

Finally, conflict in the Middle East – and since the molecular massacre of Jews by Hamas on October 7, 2023, especially Israel’s war against Hamas – forms a similar starting point for the migration of leftists to the right. On the one hand, there are the usual reflexes of frothing anti-Zionism, which increasingly turns into open anti-Semitism as the protests progress.[9] Criticism of the Israeli army’s actions is increasingly mixed with projections (“genocide”), including genuine anti-Semitic delusions that see the U.S. government or the media as being dominated by a Jewish conspiracy. At the same time, resentment can also appear in the pro-Israeli movement, as right-wingers instrumentalize the mass murder of Jews by Hamas to fuel anti-Muslim resentment, xenophobia, and isolationism. The multiple ways that this crisis constellation is open to slipping into right-wing extremism – a consequence of the crisis-induced advanced brutalization – is reflected in the disputes on the right, where the two possible strategies for instrumentalizing the war are being debated. How the conflict should be exploited, with racism or anti-Semitism? That is what the right is debating.[10]

A truncated critique of Islamism, stuck in bourgeois enlightenment ideology, also formed the most important right-wing tipping point within the anti-German scene. The confrontation with the ideology of Islamism, which – for example in the form of the Islamic State or Hamas – can indeed take on genocidal traits, leads to pure racism when combined with late bourgeois ideology.[11] In the hardcore faction of the anti-Germans, in the Bahamas magazine, anti-Muslim resentment is now openly articulated, for example by calling for a “reversal of the burden of proof” for Muslims.[12] The anti-Germans are also an old-left current, so to speak, which sees the late capitalist world system as trapped in a time warp in which the constellation of the Second World War continues to exist forever: with Islamism occupying the role of the Nazis. Nevertheless, it must be noted here that this small scene, whose significance is often exaggerated by its opponents from the anti-imperialist spectrum, only represents a secondary aspect of the Querfront tendencies.[13]

As outlined above, the Querfront is primarily fed by regressive traditional communist and old social democratic currents. And in the current crisis it has taken on a far greater significance than was the case in the 1920s or 1930s, when such efforts always remained merely episodic. With the BSW, the Querfront has taken on the form of a party, and it could well oust the panicky Left Party, which made it big in the first place, from many of its remaining parliamentary positions. Incidentally, the Left Party’s reaction to the split of the Querfront in the 2024 European election campaign was to adopt the Querfront ideology of focusing on the (German) “social question.” In the midst of the current systemic crisis, the Left Party is focusing on an anachronistic “social policy” that can no longer be realized in the unfolding crisis chaos, instead of arguing about transformative paths out of the permanent capitalist crisis – all while Left Party grandees are sending coalition signals to Wagenknecht.

The depressing final stage of the Left Party thus culminates in taking Wagenknecht’s ideological excuses, with which she legitimized her drift to the right, at face value. This is, in fact, boundless opportunism to the last breath, which aims at being be able to form a coalition with the Querfront – and thus accepts the normalization of fascization. The Querfront is not seeking a confrontation with fascism, but rather an opportunistic adaptation to the right-wing zeitgeist that is emerging as a result of the crisis. This is the common denominator between the left and the old left in the Left Party and the BSW. And it is no coincidence that this is reminiscent of the bourgeois-democratic method of “fighting” right-wing extremism by aligning oneself with it – as was recently the case with refugee policy in the fall of 2023.

But what actually is the Querfront? It is Querfrontler in particular who like to obscure this term by calling all sorts of things a Querfront. Former Left Party MP Dieter Dehm, for example, asked in an interview published in the far-right magazine Compact, whether the anti-Hitler alliance could not also be described as a kind of Querfront.[14] For the Querfront, everything is a Querfront. This allows them to disguise the monstrosity of its pact with the right –  especially in view of historical experience. Querfront does not simply refer to cooperation between left-wing and right-wing parties or forces – for example, when the Greens, SPD or CDU enter into a coalition – but to cooperation between forces on the left and right of the political spectrum. Historically, these were the isolated attempts at rapprochement between the KPD and the national right and/or NSDAP, which remained episodes; currently, it is the very real, lasting rapprochement between the Wagenknechtian post-left, which was formerly to the left of the red-green party, and the AfD. It is as if Querfrontler wanted to make the old Cold War theory of totalitarianism, which was circulated by the CIA from the 1950s onwards, come true (Sahra Wagenknecht a CIA agent? Wouldn’t that be a nice conspiracy theory that would surely catch on in this spectrum?).

The objective function of the Querfront, however, is that of an ideological transmission belt that, on the one hand, carries right-wing ideas into left-wing and progressive milieus and, on the other hand, constantly feeds the New Right with new, blinded human material. For many left-wingers, the Querfront thus functions as a kind of “gateway drug” to the delusional world of the New Right. Its success is based on packaging right-wing ideology in left-wing rhetoric. The development of the Querfront over the last ten years is impressive proof that all the hopes of being able to “pick up” the blinded angry citizens by opening up to the right have failed miserably – they were either illusions or mere excuses to somehow legitimize the intended move to the right. The Querfront is ultimately the result of the crisis blindness of an opportunistic left that shies away from radical critique and the thematization of the system transformation necessary for survival. The Querfront – this is the left’s path to extremism of the center, which is spreading in the current systemic crisis as soon as the systemic question is not posed offensively and accompanied by a transformative practice.

The texts collected here provide a historical overview of the genesis, formation and advance of the Querfront over the past ten years. It is a history of this literally “national-social” movement, written in the present tense. The account begins with the outbreak of the civil war in Ukraine and the “vigils for peace,” it presents the disputes within the left during the refugee crisis and concludes this overview with the lateral thinking mania and the first positions taken by the BSW after its foundation. Many of the collected texts not only trace the contemporary historical development of the Querfront, but also outline its ideological formation, which interacts closely with the capitalist crisis process and the corresponding rise of the New Right.

Due to thematic overlaps, three texts and one interview have been taken from the e-book Fascism in the 21st Century, which deal with the lateral thinking mania that was essential for the extensive entanglement of the New Right and the Querfront.


[1] This also includes, for example, the eroding state as an “ideal capitalist” and the devaluing money as a general value equivalent.

[2] On the one hand, Marx defined the worker in the production process as variable capital; he defined wage labor as the substance of capital. At the same time, however, he assumed – in line with the belief in progress at the time – that the proletarians had a historical mission to fulfill as a revolutionary subject. However, Marx also severely criticized the labour movement in his critique of the Gotha Programme of 1875, which is still worth reading today.

[3] https://www.konicz.info/2020/12/09/der-linke-bloedheitskoeffizient/

[4] Scapegoating for crisis surges, greedflation, “critiquing financial markets,” etc.

[5] https://www.mandelbaum.at/buecher/tomasz-konicz/klimakiller-kapital/

[6] https://exitinenglish.com/2023/01/23/the-subjectless-rule-of-capital/

[7] https://www.rote-ruhr-uni.com/cms/texte-und-vortrage/Die-KPD-und-der-Nationalismus

[8] https://www.labournet.de/politik/wipo/wipo-deb/kapitalismuskritik/buch-kapitalkollaps-die-finale-krise-der-weltwirtschaft/

[9] See, for example, the junge Welt of October 10, 2023, in which the Hamas massacre of Israeli civilians was described as an “offensive against Israel” and spokespersons for Palestinian groups were able to describe the mass murder as a “hope for Palestine.” junge Welt, 10.10.2023, “Hope for Palestine, Lebanon: Left-wing groups support offensive against Israel.”

[10] https://blog.campact.de/2023/10/angriff-israel-rechte-reaktionen/

[11] https://www.kritiknetz.de/religionskritik/1259-globalisierte-barbarei

[12] https://www.redaktion-bahamas.org/hefte/93/Es-geht-um-Israel.html

[13] For a discussion of the anti-Germans, see: Robert Kurz, Die antideutsche Ideologie, Vom Antifaschismus zum Krisenimperialismus: Kritik des neuesten linksdeutschen Sektenwesens in seinen theoretischen Propheten, 2003 Münster.

[14] https://www.compact-online.de/diether-dehm-ueber-querfront-in-compact-3-2023/ (Dehm denies that he gave his consent for this interview to be printed in Compact)

Originally published as the introduction for Deutschlands Querfront: Altlinke auf dem Weg zur Neuen Rechten by Tomasz Konicz.

Artificial Intelligence: A Myth and Fetish

Thomas Meyer

Progress and development have always been among capitalism’s core articles of faith. The (often dubious) successes of the technical transformation and exploitation of nature and human beings cannot be overlooked. However, such developments can also have fatal psychosocial and ecological consequences. We can’t say that technical progress is a good idea in itself or that it actually leads to greater prosperity, as is often claimed. Technical developments, or rather technical development paradigms, exist in the context of the valorizing movement of capital. If a new technology promises a cost advantage or opens up new possibilities for accumulation in the form of process innovation in production or in the form of an (expanded) mass consumption of commodities, it is developed and produced, while at the same time people proclaim its necessity and inevitability. (Whereby it can also be cheaper to wear out workers than to rationalize them away through technology. Automation is by no means implemented everywhere that it is theoretically possible, and in practice automation is not always feasible, see Becker 2017 and Moody 2019.) The capitalist ideology of progress and development always comes with a certain optimism and many promises of happiness. And, conversely, it also comes with a pessimism regarding the familiar and the implicit or explicit threat that we must accept progress as fate and are driven to adapt and reinvent ourselves in the process of “self-determination.” Otherwise, one is simply one of the “losers,” a status for which biologistic rationalizations can undoubtedly also be found, rationalizations that provide a genetic or neurological “explanation” for poverty and conservatism, etc. It is no coincidence that these promises of happiness are based on an ideological or completely exaggerated claim that is often untenable and is based on assumptions and vulgar materialist or utilitarian anthropologies that are not investigated further (see Schnetker 2019). At the same time, technological development with its sometimes insane promises is linked to a corresponding background music of legitimation. People emphasize how unstoppable technological development is, how desirable and unavoidable it is, and what opportunities, but also risks, it holds. When people say that “development can no longer be stopped,” then this development appears unstoppable to the optimists/apocalyptics as well as the “realists,” since the social dynamics underlying this development are not scrutinized and questioned as such. We are not dealing here with an assertive natural law (as in the case of an imminent volcanic eruption, which is actually impossible to stop), and yet the fetishistic valorizing movement of capital appears to the subjects living under its influence as just that, even though it is not (cf. Kurz 2012).

No matter what the issue is: “progress” is the solution, which often amounts to nothing more than digitalization and cost cutting. The digitalization critic Evgeny Morozov called this way of thinking, where one has the perspective of a hammer and everything appears to be a nail, “solutionism” (Morozov 2013). Particularly zealous disciples of solutionism are Silicon Valley ideologues, especially representatives of transhumanist ideology, who do not even shy away from considering the rationalization of humans as such and even consider it desirable for humans to either disappear or transform into “cyborgs” (cf. Wagner 2016). Transhumanism is therefore a technocratic death cult (see Konicz 2018 and Meyer 2020) that updates social Darwinism and eugenics (see Jansen 2018). These legitimizing ideologies and their “prophets” do indeed have aspects that are usually found among religious fundamentalists. It is not for nothing that the term “technological evangelist” has arisen. AI ideologues believe that humans, because of their fallibility, need a man-made artificial intelligence to deal with things like climate change, for example. Transhumanists strive for salvation through technology, even if this may mean the destruction of humans. In addition to big data and digitalization (Meyer 2018), an almost omnipresent hype in the current capitalist regime (to which “Chinese-style socialism” naturally belongs) is so-called artificial intelligence (cf. e.g. Simanowski 2020). Artificial intelligence has been on everyone’s lips since, at the latest, the publication of ChatGPT at the end of 2022.

What can we make of the hype surrounding artificial intelligence? Some are predicting massive disruptions in the economy (Industry 4.0, Internet of Things) and AI overtaking and replacing humans. Humans are essentially seen as a discontinued model. According to this line of thought, AI can and will be used in education, medicine, logistics, the culture industry, journalism, the military, art, etc., or in other words, everywhere. People hold out the prospect of many jobs or kinds of work disappearing altogether, while once again downplaying the social consequences that this would have. They tend to numb themselves with ignorance or optimism, assuming that many new job opportunities will be created, whereby there is always a latent threat against those who fall by the wayside in this game of “musical chairs” and do not prove to be flexible or resilient enough. However, AI is not creating a high-tech paradise, as the fundamentalist AI preachers would have us believe, but rather predominantly precarious work. AI as “capitalist intelligence” (see wildcat no. 112, 42ff. and Seppmann 2017) serves to rationalize capital, i.e. to cut costs, speed up logistics, compress work, accelerate and maintain the valorization process and continue competition at all levels.

As current or “upcoming” developments show, AI systems are ideally suited for managing the crisis (see Konicz 2024). They are predestined to subjugate capitalist “human material” by evaluating huge amounts of data (big data) and assessing and selecting this human material according to its usability or “future viability” (law enforcement, insurance, health, surveillance, etc.). When AI systems make predictions, they always do so on the basis of a statistical evaluation of “what already is.” This leads to fatal positive feedback loops: for example, someone does not get a job or a loan because they come from a “social hotspot” or presumably from a “criminal milieu,” as evidenced by corresponding “police work.” The police are in turn mobilized to screen said milieus, since crime is also likely to occur there in the future, as their work has already shown in the past and will show again due to AI and algorithms (search and find!). And thus it is “confirmed” that the criminal milieu is a criminal milieu and that black people or foreigners are more “inclined” to commit crimes than those who are less in the crosshairs of the police and justice system (cf. O’Neil 2016). A racist reality is thus perpetuated algorithmically.

If you are caught in the “tentacles” of an AI system or algorithm due to a misjudgment, it is usually not possible to “object” (and the users of an AI system themselves do not know why an AI has “decided” one thing and not another in a specific case – even if the “trade secret” were abolished, the “decision-making” of the AI would remain opaque). The fact that AI systems make mistakes (i.e. mistakes from the point of view of the user and those affected) has to do with the fact that reality cannot be clearly sorted and that AI systems cannot understand (the social and situational) context (which is why language programs have problems with sarcasm and irony). Statistical evaluations of the frequency of words or word combinations do not result in meaning. Statistical evaluations of data do not lead to an understanding of the genesis of said data (or of the social phenomena that are reflected in the data). The fatal flaw of AI is that it is impossible to know what mistakes these systems (will) make and when, or how exactly these mistakes come about. The mistakes that AIs, such as speech and image recognition programs, make show that they do not understand what they have “learned” (cf. Lenzen 2023, 48ff., 133ff.). If AI systems produce nonsensical results, it is very difficult to “repair” them through retraining (in contrast to “normal” computer programs, which can be repaired by finding the errors in the program code).

Artificial intelligence and “computational thinking” in general have a long history and AI has already gone through several periods of hype (see Weizenbaum 1982, Dreyfus 1978, Irrgang; Klawitter 1990, Larson 2021). The fact that such hype always returns at a “higher level,” despite all the criticism, is obviously because of its capitalist “usefulness” and the optimistic promises and apocalyptic fears associated with it. These promises and fears often accompany technological developments and are rehashed again and again. They may have been repeatedly disappointed or denied, but they cannot be killed off. The fact that AI research and the interest in funding it have had a “winter” on several occasions is due to an underestimation of the complexity of developing artificial intelligence and the fact that computer technology has long been inadequately developed (as well as the insufficient amount of digitized data available to train “artificial neural networks”).

Regardless of the repressive applications and capitalist use of AI systems, apt objections are formulated against the concept of intelligence commonly used in the “AI scene.”

The media liked to report, with a great deal of sensationalism, that an AI could play chess or Go better than any human, which some interpreted to mean that humans would soon become a “discontinued model.” Artificial intelligence is indeed far superior to human intelligence when it comes to storing huge amounts of data and evaluating it statistically (with certain weightings and model assumptions). However, conceptualization and judgement are not the same as memorizing a telephone directory or every bit of insurance data. There is no doubt that AI systems can recognize patterns from huge amounts of data that would otherwise have been overlooked. However, a human would never have been able to cope with this amount of data in their lifetime, as the data volumes are simply too large, which is why AI systems should more correctly be referred to as pattern recognition programs. It should be noted that correlations, i.e. patterns that are detected, don’t come close to actually proving causality. This applies to statistics in general, something that those who believe that more and more data will lead to an increase in knowledge (so that theory could therefore be dispensed with) do not seem to consider! In fact, such programs can be usefully employed as a scientific tool (and not as a substitute for theoretical thinking) (for example in astrophysics, medicine, molecular biology, solid-state physics, etc., cf. Bischoff 2022, 109ff.) but they are not suitable solely for the repression or selection of people.

The fact that a computer program can beat a world chess champion has a lot to do with the fact that this program has memorized billions of move combinations (and can estimate the most advantageous next moves based on a programmed heuristic, i.e. it does not have to memorize all of them). What is usually not mentioned is that these programs are hyperspecialists. A chess program (in the sense of an “artificial neural network”) cannot also learn to play Go. A human being can learn both without unlearning something previously learned at the same time (cf. Larson 2021, 28ff.). This is also the reason why some people, when talking about AI, are not referring to such hyperspecialists (weak AI). Instead, they believe the term “artificial intelligence” should be reserved for an artificial general intelligence, i.e. for one that can potentially do “everything” and is capable of doing “everything,” and is ultimately capable of developing consciousness (whatever that is exactly) (which is also called strong AI). However, this kind of intelligence is (and will presumably remain) pure fiction outside the world of science fiction and the delusional world of transhumanists (Schnetker 2019) and the “millenarian redemption rhetoric” of Silicon Valley ideologues (Nida-Rümelin; Wiedenfeld 2023, 252). It should not be forgotten that “artificial intelligence” is also a marketing term; it is used to describe various things that often have nothing to do with AI, but rather with banal statistics programs or databases. This is why you don’t come across too much in-depth theoretical reflection when this term is commonly used in the press (of course, there are always exceptions). This applies all the more to the propaganda of the tech giants (for example, the chatbot LaMDA developed by Google has allegedly developed sentience and consciousness).

A central objection to “computational thinking” or artificial intelligence is the equation of intelligence with computation or rule-based instructions. The computer scientist Erik J. Larson points out that computer programs (regardless of what they are called) can only proceed deductively (symbolic AI) or inductively (sub-symbolic AI) (training an AI with data is nothing other than induction). However, according to Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), to whom Larson refers, what characterizes human thinking is abduction, which combines inductive and deductive elements without being reducible to them. Human thinking can neither be limited to deduction (logic, i.e. the derivation of a concrete from a universal) nor to induction (the collection of facts or data and the generalization that may result from this). Abduction is rather something that could be described as hypothesizing. Hypothesizing implies initially ignoring certain facts or interpretations in order to allow them to appear in a new light in a different context, within the framework of a new “paradigm.” Larson illustrates this with Copernicus: “When Copernicus posited that the earth revolved around the sun and not vice versa, he ignored mountains of evidence and data accumulated over the centuries by astronomers working with the older, Ptolemaic model. He redrew everything with the sun at the center, and worked out a useable heliocentric model. Importantly, the initial Copernican model was actually less predictive despite its being correct. It was initially only a framework that, if completed, could offer elegant explanations to replace the increasingly convoluted ones, such as planetary retrograde motion, plaguing the Ptolemaic model. Only by first ignoring all the data or reconceptualizing it could Copernicus reject the geocentric model and infer a radical new structure to the solar system (And note that this raises the question: How would ‘big data’ have helped? The data was all fit to the wrong model).” (Larson 2021, 104).

Any thoughts of a “difference between essence and appearance” remain alien to logical reasoning and statistics. With induction and deduction alone, without them being mediated by some third thing, neither “novelty” nor “creativity” can be explained. Artificial intelligences are therefore nothing more than “stochastic parrots” (Emily M. Bender).[1] If you were to train an AI only with circles, it would never suddenly start drawing squares. Artificial intelligences can basically only interpolate, i.e. operate with known values, i.e. with “what has already been,” and not extrapolate (Otte 2023, 60ff.). Only the latter would produce something new, as the new or creative cannot be formalized. In principle, computers and thus artificial intelligences, i.e. “AI devices” (Ralf Otte), can only solve problems that can be represented in terms of an algorithm (an algorithm is a calculation or rule for action that can be formalized and translated into binary numbers, which arrives at a result after a finite number of steps), i.e. that can be translated into a formal language. AIs therefore basically only operate in a world of mathematics (and even this cannot be completely formalized and there are also mathematical problems that have no solution, for which no algorithm can be found), and those aspects of reality that cannot be represented by an algorithm remain alien to AI. This is where an AI device has its fundamental limits, no matter how clever it may seem. This is why autonomous driving, for example, is likely to be an illusion, as AI expert Ralf Otte points out. The only way to realize autonomous driving would be to mathematize the environment, i.e. “transform the natural environment […] into a deterministic environment.” Autonomous driving takes place in a natural environment, and it is not possible to transfer reality as such into algorithms or “artificially enrich the whole world with [IP] addresses or cameras, even with the mass use of 5G technology, just to make it more predictable for the robot cars” (ibid., 342).

Another objection to the concept of intelligence in the prevailing AI discourse, according to philosopher Manuela Lenzen, is the limitation of intelligence to human intelligence (cf. Lenzen 2023). Instead of understanding artificial intelligence as a quality in its own right, people are all too quick to compare it with human intelligence. This leads to unrealistic assessments and a misjudgment of human intelligence. People tend to get hung up on nonsense and ignore what AIs can and cannot actually do. Lenzen argues that we can talk about artificial intelligence without devaluing humans and without falling into mythology (for example, the idea that AI will soon surpass humans in everything and take over the world, etc.). Rather, intelligence should be understood as a more general phenomenon that also occurs in nature and is by no means a monopoly of Homo sapiens (even though Homo sapiens is capable of a capacity for abstraction that far eclipses that of “non-human animals” and is therefore indeed a “unique specimen” in nature). Intelligence is the property of an organism that allows it to be part of an environment and to act in this environment in a “sophisticated” way, i.e. ultimately to survive. Thus, as Lenzen explains, intelligence is by no means just something “mental,” purely cognitive, but is linked to a body acting in an environment. This can be described as embodied cognition/intelligence. The approach of robotics is to “teach” a physical machine to act in a certain environment through trial and error (i.e. not so much by feeding in large amounts of data). Just as a small child learns to grasp or walk (learning by doing), a robot is trained to be able to do the same. Of course, we are infinitely far from being able to create artificial intelligence in the sense of general artificial intelligence.

We can therefore say – and this has been repeatedly stated (cf. e.g. Weizenbaum 1982, 268ff. and Larson 2021) – that the AI discourse reduces the idea of human intelligence to an overly simplistic image. Quite a few AI theorists have adopted a tautology: intelligence is defined as something calculable (rule-based thinking/action), i.e. something that can be translated into an algorithm, and computers can do exactly that. And then you realize with astonishment that computers have intelligence (or at least appear intelligent, so that they would be on a par with humans if humans could no longer tell whether a computer or a human was talking/writing to them; this is known as the Turing test), and will soon have more computing power than the human brain (which assumes that the brain is essentially a computer). The fact that this reduction seems plausible and credible to many is probably due to the actual reduction of human intelligence to the imperatives of the capitalist valorization process (see Seppmann 2017). The panic that AI will replace and enslave us is precisely the echo of capitalism’s general imposition in that a person must always prove and rationalize themselves, as well as the threat of a failure to do so, which is nevertheless rarely expressed. The humanization of machines makes sense precisely when man tends to be reduced to a machine or can “willfully” reduce himself to one and consequently experience himself as little more than an apparatus executing algorithms (undoubtedly with the corresponding psychological consequences, cognitive dissonances and repressions). Emil Post, a (less well-known) computer theorist alongside Alan Turing, used an assembly line worker as a model to theoretically understand a computer and what it can or should be able to do (cf. Heintz 1993, 166ff.). The computer essentially does what humans do (or should do!) when they work on an assembly line, i.e. perform identical actions based on rules. It is therefore not at all surprising that a machine can in principle perform actions much better and more efficiently than a human reduced to machine-like behavior ever could. The fact that artificial intelligence could surpass human intelligence and will almost inevitably enslave humanity suggests that those who propagate and seriously believe this have a rather limited horizon. Take, for example, the “philosophy professor” Nick Bostrom, who spends hundreds of pages in his book Superintelligence dreaming up all kinds of horror scenarios and worrying about how they could possibly be prevented – without, of course, questioning capitalism at any point. So when people talk about humans as a “discontinued model,” this means that the human being, reduced to variable capital, is in fact increasingly a discontinued model, and with it capitalism itself (cf. Konicz 2024a). However, neither optimists nor apocalyptics want to know anything about a crisis of capitalist society, or an inner barrier to capital valorization (cf. e.g. Ortlieb 2009 and Kurz 2012).

Literature

Author collective. 2023. wildcat no. 112.

Becker, Matthias Martin. 2017. Automatisierung und Ausbeutung: Was wird aus der Arbeit im digitalen Kapitalismus? Vienna: Promedia.

Bischoff, Manon (ed.). 2022. Künstliche Intelligenz: Vom Schachspieler zur Superintelligenz? Berlin: Springer.

Bostrom, Nick. 2014. Superintelligence: Paths, Dangers, Strategies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dreyfus, Hubert L. 1978. What Computers Can’t Do: The Limits of Artificial Intelligence. New York: HarperCollins.

Heintz, Bettina. 1993. Die Herrschaft der Regel: Zur Grundlagengeschichte des Computers.  Frankfurt: Campus.

Irrgang, Bernhard and Jörg Klawitter (eds.). 1990. Künstliche Intelligenz (Edition Universitas). Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft.

Jansen, Markus. 2018. Radikale Paradiese: Die Moderne und der Traum von der perfekten Welt. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann.

Konicz, Tomasz. 2018. AI and Capital: In the Singularity Longed for By Silicon Valley, The Automatic Subject Would Come into Itself. Available on exit-online.org.

Konicz, Tomasz. 2024. AI and Crisis Management. Available at https://exitinenglish.com/2024/08/01/ai-and-crisis-management/.

Konicz, Tomasz 2024a. AI: The Final Boost to Automation. Available at https://exitinenglish.com/2024/08/03/ai-the-final-boost-to-automation/.

Kurz, Robert. 2012. Geld ohne Wert: Grundrisse zur einer Transformation der Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie. Berlin: Horlemann.

Larson, Erik J. 2021. The Myth of Artificial Intelligence: Why Computers Can’t Think The Way We Do. Cambridge: Belknap.

Lenzen, Manuela. 2023. Der elektronische Spiegel: Menschliches Denken und künstliche Intelligenz, Munich: C.H. Beck.

Meyer, Thomas. 2018. Big Data and The Smart New World as the Highest Stage of Positivism. Available at: https://exitinenglish.com/2022/02/07/big-data-and-the-smart-new-world-as-the-highest-stage-of-positivism/.

Meyer, Thomas. 2020. “Zwischen Selbstvernichtung und technokratischem Machbarkeitswahn: Transhumanismus als Rassenhygiene von heute.” Available on exit-online.org.

Moody, Kim. 2019. “Schnelle Technologie, langsames Wachstum: Roboter und die Zukunft der Arbeit.” In Marx und die Roboter: Vernetzte Produktion, Künstliche Intelligenz und lebendige Arbeit, edited by Florian Butolo and Sabine Nuss. 132-155. Berlin: Dietz.

Morozov, Evgeny. 2013. Smarte neue Welt: Digitale Technik und die Freiheit des Menschen, Munich: Karl Blessing.

Nida-Rümelin, Julian and Nathalie Weidenfeld. 2023. Was kann und was darf künstliche Intelligenz? – Ein Plädoyer für Digitalen Humanismus. Munich: Piper.

O’Neil, Cathy. 2016. Weapons of Math Destruction:  How Big Data Increases Inequality and Threatens Democracy. New York: Penguin.

Ortlieb, Claus Peter. 2013. “A Contradiction between Matter and Form: On the Significance of the Production of Relative Surplus Value in the Dynamic of Terminal Crisis.” In Marxism and the Critique of Value, edited by Neil Larsen, Mathias Nilges, Josh Robinson, and Nicholas Brown, 77-122, Chicago: M-C-M’.

Otte, Ralf. 2023. Künstliche Intelligenz für Dummies. Weinheim: Wiley-VCH.

Schnetker, Max Franz Johann. 2019. Transhumanistische Mythologie: Rechte Utopien einer technologischen Erlösung durch künstliche Intelligenz. Münster: Unrast.

Seppmann, Werner. 2017. Kritik des Computers: Der Kapitalismus und die Digitalisierung des Sozialen. Kassel: Mangroven.

Simanowski, Roberto. 2020. Todesalgorithmus: Das Dilemma der künstlichen Intelligenz, Vienna: Passagen.

Wagner, Thomas. 2016. Robokratie: Google, das Silicon Valley und der Mensch als Auslaufmodell. Cologne: PapyRossa.

Weizenbaum, Joseph. 1978. Die Macht der Computer und die Ohnmacht der Vernunft. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.


[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stochastic_parrot

Originally published on exit-online.org.

AI: The Final Boost to Automation

The broad implementation of artificial intelligence systems in the labor society will push the dynamic internal contradiction of capital to the extreme.

Tomasz Konicz

The euphoria was followed by misery and disappointment. The introduction of the Internet at the turn of the millennium was accompanied by mass media hype and a speculative bonanza for high-tech companies (“Neuer Markt,” Nasdaq) on the stock markets, in which the internet industry was hailed as a new leading economic sector and millions of small investors started investing on the stock market (T-share, Infineon). For months on end, dubious IT companies were sometimes worth more than giant industrial groups such as Daimler. When the big high-tech bubble burst and a series of dubious IT start-ups went bust, a phase of disillusionment set in. The internet was ridiculed as a mere fad, merely a network for virtual sales outlets. And yet it cannot be denied that the internet industry fundamentally changed capitalism. Although no new leading economic sector in which the mass exploitation of wage labor would take place has been established, the former IT cliques that survived the massacre of 2000-2001 on the stock markets are now actually worth more than industrial corporations.

Late capitalism is currently in a similar phase with regard to the economic potential of artificial intelligence. The great hype already seems to be dying down, as the first disappointing stock market results are being recorded – besides NVIDIA.[2] Furthermore, AI fatigue and disappointment are spreading among the public, as the grand visions of the AI gurus and transhumanists are still awaiting realization due to the clear shortcomings of the artificial learning systems used to date.[3] The internet boom at the turn of the millennium, similar to the waves of industrial rationalization in the last two decades of the 20th century, when industrial robots transformed Fordist assembly line production, also seems to confirm a central thesis of bourgeois economics: While new technologies may render masses of jobs obsolete, the same technological progress creates enough new occupational fields that – despite all the frictions –ensure the continued existence of the capitalist labor society.

MIT’s Technology Review, for example, recently propagated this thesis of the labor market’s ability to regenerate. Their article drew a wide arc over the crises and technological boosts that have occurred since the 1930s, when the question of whether “technological progress, through the increasing efficiency of our industrial process, is taking away jobs faster than it can create new ones” was also controversially discussed within the Roosevelt administration in the midst of the Great Depression.[4] In view of the development of the U.S. labor market in recent decades, where in 2018 around 60 percent of wage earners were employed in occupations that did not even exist before 1940, the Technology Review saw no signs of the adaptability of the labor market being outstripped by the rationalizing effects of automation. According to the Technoblatt, talk of the “end of work” is a “distraction” from the question of how artificial intelligence can be used to grow the economy and create new jobs. German trade union officials such as DGB head Yasmin Fahimi, who described a crisis in labor society triggered by increasing “digitalization” as “nonsense,” argue in a similar vein.[5]

A Look Under the Hood of The Valorization Machine

Labor is indeed the basis of capitalist society; according to Marx, it forms the substance of capital through its objectification in commodity-bodies during the production process. Labor creates commodity values. And it continues to be spent on a massive scale. The bare employment figures seem to support the arguments of the MIT magazine and the DGB, especially against the background of the current labor market situation in the U.S. and the FRG; after all, the officially calculated unemployment rate in the United States is particularly low.[6] In Germany, there is a shortage of skilled workers.[7]

However, this is, to a certain extent, a positivist view of things, which simply adds up the wage labor performed while failing to recognize the function of different types of labor, especially with regard to the valorization process of capital. The work offered for sale on the capitalist labor market must therefore be viewed in its overall social context in order to be able to make judgments about the stability of the labor society. Even if they appear profitable from a business perspective, not all forms of labor contribute to the valorization of capital in society as a whole. Capital is a totality that can only be understood in terms of its own social dynamics, which in its fetishistic irrationality is distinctly different from the narrow-minded, seemingly rational interest-based calculations of the market subjects (many on the left also have difficulties with this approach).

The Financial Times (FT) certainly knows how to differentiate when assessing the U.S. labor society.[8] In a negative summary of the neoliberal era written in 2023, the business journal  criticized above all the formation of a service society, in which employment in the service sector rose from 45% in the 1970s to more than 60% in the second decade of the 21st century. At the same time, the proportion of workers in industry and the construction sector has fallen from 55% to less than 40%. According to the FT, the U.S. has been overtaken by China in terms of industrial production. Why is this a problem? Deindustrialization has been a key factor in the recent strategic economic policy paradigm shift in Washington, in which neoliberal free trade has been replaced by increasing protectionism.

From an economic perspective, all work is not created equal, as American technology magazines and German trade unionists imply in their milquetoast calculations. The commodity-producing industries form the “foundation,” so to speak, of the capitalist labor society. It is only on top of this that a service sector and a financial superstructure can be built – specifically in the form of wages and taxes. The welfare state, the education and care of future or former wage earners, and the maintenance of infrastructure must also be withdrawn from the capital valorization process as economic costs, even if individual companies (private kindergartens, universities, construction companies or retirement homes) profit from this on a business level. After all, not all wage earners can become hairdressers, financial managers, civil servants or waiters if there is no broad valorization of labor in industry.

A service society dominated by the financial sector, such as the deindustrialized, “rust belt” covered U.S. until the great real estate crash of 2008, can only reproduce itself by means of debt and bubbles until the inevitable crash. This is the lesson from the real estate crisis, as discussed by the FT, which led Washington to take a major protectionist turn. The role model is now Germany, which has been able to maintain its industrial base in the era of globalization through enormous export surpluses and a beggar-thy-neighbor policy (and this is precisely why Germany’s export industry is increasingly suffering from American protectionism).

Without a broad employment base in industrial production, there is no stable labor society – this is the conclusion from the era of neoliberal financialization and globalization, in which Marx’s concept of value, which distils the value of a commodity to the quanta of socially necessary labor time spent in its production, is also confirmed. Marx spoke of productive and unproductive labor with regard to the process of capital accumulation in society as a whole. Productive labor contributes directly to the valorization of capital within commodity production, while unproductive labor – as useful and socially necessary as it may be – does not do so directly. The crisis of labor society must therefore be seen as a crisis of productive, value-creating labor in industrial commodity production. The crisis of labor society is a crisis of productive labor, understood in the Marxian sense, meaning only the labor that contributes directly to the valorizing movement of capital.

This trend towards a shrinking industrial workforce, which has been lamented by the Financial Times based on what has happened in the U.S., can be empirically proven in almost all Western “industrialized countries.” Even in the export-oriented Federal Republic of Germany, which still has the strongest industrial sector in Europe, the proportion of people employed in manufacturing fell from just under 50% at the beginning of the 1970s to around 23% in 2023 as a result of automation in industrial production – while at the same time German industrial goods, such as machines and cars, flooded half the world.[9] The industrial foundation of capitalist labor societies is thus becoming increasingly fragile.

What’s more, with the onset of the third industrial revolution in the late 70s and 80s, which led to the major push toward automation in industrial production, total global debt rose faster than global economic output.[10] The late capitalist world system is thus increasingly running on credit; this debt creates demand for the sale of commodities, leading to a situation where many of the industrial jobs that still exist are simply dependent on demand generated by credit. The late capitalist world system is thus increasingly dependent on debt. However, this debt dynamic cannot be maintained for much longer in the face of the increasing distortions in the financial sphere and stubborn inflation. The illusion of an intact capitalist labor society, which German trade unionists and American technology magazines like to indulge in, can only be maintained by ignoring the conditions in the periphery of the world system – from whose collapsing regions and failed states economically superfluous wage earners are desperately trying to flee to the core.

A look under the hood of the capitalist valorization machine thus makes it clear that the optimism spread by American technology journals and German trade union officials on the eve of the great AI rationalization push is misplaced. Not only is the capitalist labor society gripped by a progressive erosion process in which its industrial base continues to melt away – the methods of delaying the crisis, in which this deficit-ridden zombie system produces ever greater mountains of debt, are also reaching their limits due to increasing instability in the financial sphere and stubborn inflation. The internal, moving contradiction of capital, which is getting rid of its own substance, wage labor, through rationalization, can therefore no longer be intercepted by these methods of credit-financed crisis delay during the next wave of automation.

In addition, a lack of investment in the welfare state, education and infrastructure increases the susceptibility of late capitalist societies to crises. This reflects the increasing imbalance between productive labor (the valorization of capital in the production of commodities) and unproductive labor (necessary expenditures on social infrastructure and the welfare state) in society as a whole. The particularities of the situation of Germany, which are often used to trivialize the crisis of the working society, do not change this. The universally lamented shortage of skilled workers and the ageing of society are precisely due to the fact that the dwindling share of wage labor performed in the production of commodities is offset by ever greater expenditure on the “dead costs” of social infrastructure (education, care, the welfare state, children seen as career killers and cost factors, etc.).

Office Workhorses Threatened with Extinction

In contrast to German trade union officials, who are probably plagued by a kind of job anxiety in this discussion, U.S. investment banks are certainly addressing the “disruptive” potential effects of the AI revolution on the global labor market. In a study published in mid-2023, Goldman Sachs estimated that “generative AI” (bots trained for specific work processes using mountains of data) will either downgrade or make obsolete around 300 million jobs worldwide. In a similar forecast published in early 2024, management consultants McKinsey concluded that in the United States alone, up to 30% of current working hours could become redundant by 2030, with low-paid, simple office work, customer service and sales being particularly at risk.[11]

Accountants and office workers in administration are particularly vulnerable. The first major wave of automation in the course of the third industrial revolution of microelectronics and the IT industry hit the workforce in the late 70s and 80s – now it’s white-collar workers’ turn to face the same fate. Office work could soon become obsolete on a massive scale. The more schematic the procedure, the less individual leeway there is in the work process, the easier it will be to automate it using AI systems, which can be “trained” for these work processes based on gigantic amounts of data that large corporations and offices have access to, following the example of the “large language models.” The office worker, the entire class of white-collar workers that first emerged en masse in the first half of the 20th century, is now threatened with extinction.[12] This class of petty-bourgeois wage earners, whose emergence dashed the old Marxist hopes of a revolutionary subject, is itself in the process of dissolution. The white-collar worker thus appears to have a relevant social span of existence of only about 100 years.

Humanity will soon have the ability to collect and organize information automatically, especially since administrative systems have already been almost completely digitized. The coming big AI wave will therefore build on the groundwork of the digitization that has been taking place in offices since the early 1980s. And it will be relatively easy to implement, as the investment costs are relatively low. The computers and administrative programs can continue to run; only the people operating them will disappear. The costs for office space and other “life support systems” will also be, for the most part, eliminated. On the other hand, companies must make substantial investments in data centers in which trained AI systems perform the former office tasks with minimal personnel costs, but these expenses are still low compared to cost of the industrial rationalization wave that began in the 1980s. Back then, the whole Taylor system had to be replaced and entire assembly lines equipped with robotic systems, each of which could cost millions.

Compared to these efforts to rationalize industry, which have cost billions of euros and caused the proportion of industrial workers to continue to decline, the investments being made in digital infrastructures, which will make employees obsolete, are insignificant. It is much cheaper to automate the white-collar worker now than it was for the industrial worker. In this respect, the late capitalist tendency to work from home, in the home office, which became established primarily in the wake of the pandemic, also points to the beginning of the capitalist labor society in the early modern era. As part of the so-called putting-out system, wage labor crept into the homes and huts of tenants, small farmers and craftsmen, who received materials and tools from the early capitalist “contractors” for the home production of commodities, which they then bought up and offered for sale on the market. Now capital is gradually releasing its wage-dependent employees into home-based work before the coming AI automation push makes them completely obsolete. In a classic dialectical negation of negation, the historical final stage of capital thus once again reflects moments of its history of ascent to a higher stage of development.

Digital Day Laborers: The Chatbot Takes Over the Call Center

Call center workers tend to be precariously employed and miserably paid. They often work at home. So at first glance, the automation of the call center industry could appear to be a progressive process, in view of these poor working conditions. Unfortunately, the people affected, who only have their labor to sell on the market, have their very existence threatened by this process. The obsolescence of call center employees is no longer a dream of the future, but a reality. The Swedish payment service provider Klarna was able to cut around 700 jobs after the company used an AI bot developed by OpenAI to handle service requests.[13] According to the company’s management, the AI system handled standard tasks such as cancellations or refunds just as successfully as its human competitors.

According to Klarna, customer satisfaction has remained as high as it was with human interlocutors. The decisive advantages of the system are obvious: the system speaks 35 languages, it is used in 23 countries, it has no limits on working hours, no wage demands or trade unions. According to initial internal forecasts, the service savings from using AI should translate into a profit of more than $40 million. The OpenAI system has already handled two thirds of all chat queries in customer service accurately, saving customers a lot of time. The company now sees itself as an “AI-supported global payment network,” according to the company’s enthusiastic conclusion in February 2024. At the same time, the share prices of call center operators such as Teleperformance and Concentrix have plummeted on the stock markets.[14]

At first glance, it would therefore appear that this wave of rationalization is primarily affecting simple jobs that require a low level of technical qualification. Cashiers and cab drivers, for example, are acutely at risk. At the moment, however, the AI-related losses in the service sector still seem to be cushioned by the AI industry’s need for unskilled workers who are used in the pattern recognition of artificial neural networks, known as the “learning phase” (see AI and The Culture Industry). Hundreds of thousands of precariously employed people, especially in the periphery of the capitalist world system, are busy coding the gigantic data sets of the AI systems with “labels” (similar to captchas when logging in) for miserable wages in order to enable these systems’ pattern recognition in the first place. The neural network only “learns” what a bicycle is when countless images of bicycles are given the label bicycle – the more, the better. The same applies to words, videos, music, etc. Of course, this does not mean that the AI understands what a bicycle is, as it is a purely external relationship that is established here.

What is actually taking place in this pattern recognition managed by digital day laborers is a process of internalizing all the digitizable images of external reality into the neural networks of AI systems. It is a gigantic process of scanning the mere surface of reality, without being able to take into account its dynamic character, its having become and its contradictions. The outer social shell, the false manifestation of late capitalism, becomes the inner essence of the AI systems, which will be incapable of critical reflection in principle, even in the event of rapid technological development – for example through quantum computers. The key point here is that the digitization of the surface of life, the universe, and everything else will be completed at some point, insofar as this is possible in algorithmic systems that know no causalities and only work with correlations. Consequently, the need for this mindless “learning work,” in which click-workers distribute labels for causalities and images of reality, will collapse, while AI will be able to handle many complex tasks. And this, precisely because it is fundamentally incapable of critical reflection in the emerging era of brutal crisis management (see “AI and Crisis Management”).

The Automation of The Middle Class

Mass media opinion-making is already being partially automated. The BILD newspaper, Germany’s most influential tabloid, wants to counter its internet-related loss of circulation and reach with a restructuring announced in mid-2023, in which the old business model will be brought up to date using AI.[15] A third of the tabloid’s 18 local editorial offices will be closed and a “three-digit number” of employees will be made redundant, while large language models will take over many everyday tasks. The Springer publishing house said that it was getting rid of “products, projects and processes that would never be economically successful again.” Generative AI should “contribute to supporting the entire journalistic process,” so that – literally – “journalism creation” becomes the core task area, while journalistic production becomes a by-product.

In the future, the large language models will be used for the tedious research that so often gets in the way of the seasoned BILD editor’s journalistic “creations.” Layout design, social media tasks and search engine optimization (SEO) will also be added. The fact that the AI models can already handle many “creative” everyday tasks in media operation was demonstrated by a recent scandal involving the renowned sports magazine Sports Illustrated. They secretly used texts generated by generative artificial intelligence, to which fictitious authors were also assigned – on top of that, the portraits of the fictional sports journalists were also generated by the AI.[16] The technology website CNET also secretly published AI-generated content.

In fact, the profession of journalist is one of a whole range of well-paid middle-class jobs that are threatened by partial automation and devaluation, according to a study by AI company OpenAI.[17] In addition to journalists, writers, mathematicians, interpreters and programmers are also at risk of becoming obsolete. A good proportion of middle-class jobs will therefore at least be devalued. The same applies to lawyers, graphic designers, financial advisors, analysts and stock market traders,[18] as well as the media industry from film to video games.[19] Wherever large amounts of data and information have to be processed in order to reach clear conclusions – for example in the legal system and legal advice – large language models are already ready for use. Memorization is becoming obsolete. Financial advisors and market analysts operate with probabilities resulting from the processing of empirical market data, which can now also be done efficiently by AI systems.

The second pillar of the automation of middle-class jobs is the modification of the data material that the large language models have scanned, such as the creation of new images, graphics, videos, texts, books, etc. Many tasks in the advertising industry are likely to be eliminated. Here, the simple, superficial modification of existing material by AI coincides with the ideological tendencies and the business model of the late capitalist culture industry, which thrives on the constant aesthetic repetition of the same old thing, which makes this type of automatic generation of “content” particularly seductive (see “AI and The Culture Industry”). The creation of films, entertainment books, and video games is predestined to be largely automated. A large proportion of jobs in the culture industry are under threat – precisely because it produces ideologically standardized content that only reflects the surface of social reality.[20]

In addition, well-paid jobs in advertising and sales that require direct work with customers also appear to be disappearing in the medium term (so it’s not just call centers that are affected). The insurance industry, for example, is spending billions on automating its administration and extensive legal departments and developing chatbots to streamline insurance sales and customer service.[21] In the meantime, photos of claims are even being analyzed by AI in a test operation. However, the chatbots, which are to be unleashed on customers as artificial insurance representatives, are still in the “test phase,” according to Spiegel-Online, as they first have to learn the jargon of the industry.

The marketers of the 21st century, the influencers running rampant on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok & Co., who try to sell their audience shit without labeling it as simple advertising, have already begun to be automated. Meanwhile, “hyper-realistic” (Ars Technica) virtual models are about to break into the approximately $21 billion market for “content” on social media.[22] In December 2023, Ars Technica reported on a successful AI model that was able to accumulate a following of 200,000 internet users in order to sell product placements for around 1,000 dollars per post. Such bots not only have the advantage of being completely controllable, which makes them more stable given the escapades of famous influencers.[23] What’s more, the mouths for hire that are rampant on social media have themselves contributed to their obsolescence by standardizing their appearance and look, which is imposed by the requirements of search engine optimization (SEO) and must be followed in order to get the highest possible number of hits. The influencer is already a sterile advertising product, largely shaped by algorithms, and they are now ripe for automation.

The reports about the possibilities of automation for the middle class are usually accompanied by reassurance pills: automation could never completely replace the professions concerned – lawyers, journalists, programmers, designers, creative professionals, etc. The professions concerned could concentrate more on creative activities and decision-making, while AI would deal with the daily grind, the schematic tasks. Of course, these objections should be taken seriously, and they are likely to correctly predict the near future, in which journalists, lawyers, book authors, etc. will continue to exist. However, the resulting higher productivity will lead to a displacement of workers from the professions concerned. Market-mediated capitalist production by isolated competitive subjects will lead to stronger predatory competition on the labor market, so that here too only a smaller number of labor providers with higher productivity will survive. Market competition will thus ensure that only the most productive wage earners, freelancers or self-employed workers with the most favorable price-performance ratio will survive.

The AI Ghosts They Summoned: The Slow Death of The Programmer

The AI revolution thus also leads to a devaluation of the skills of the commodity of labor, which can suddenly only be offered for sale on the labor market at a fraction of its former value – a constant tendency of capital as a moving contradiction, which led to the outbreak of the desperate Silesian weavers’ revolts as early as the 19th century. The U.S. magazine New Yorker recently published an interview with a programmer who described from his own experience how this technologically induced devaluation process is taking place in his industry.[24] At the beginning of the 21st century, when the internet experienced its big breakthrough, web designers could still earn good money by creating homepages – but these activities have now been largely devalued by software that almost anyone can use.

The situation is similar with the new AI programming bots that are now commonplace in the industry. A superficial, quickly acquired level of knowledge is now sufficient to solve complex problems quickly and efficiently. The subject of the interview, who became a programmer during the IT boom when he could set his salary more or less at will, described the successes of an acquaintance who used an AI bot for programming. The amateur with a cursory knowledge of programming languages was able to solve even complex problems in his hobby projects faster than the highly paid software developer. The AI tool GPT-4 is not only good at solving “tricky” small problems, it also has the “qualities of an experienced software developer,” as it can suggest good solutions and development paths for projects from a “large knowledge base.”

Until now, the motto in the industry has been that qualifications, that lifelong learning is the best protection against obsolescence, but now he would advise his children against wanting to become software developers. The infinitely complex art of programming machines in abstract programming languages is giving way to the technical dialog between user and AI programming tool that the vast majority of computer users can learn to use.

In fact, software development is an important focus within the automation efforts of the AI revolution, as the self-programming machine represents the Holy Grail of transhumanism, so to speak. This high-tech ideology hatched in Silicon Valley sees humans as a mere transitional phenomenon that are to be replaced by a permanently self-perfecting artificial intelligence – the so-called singularity.[25] This dystopia could only succeed if the process of programming AI bots can be accomplished autonomously, or in other words, if the AI can write its own code.

AI and The Outer Barrier of Capital

However, the high-tech Taliban and AI gurus who want to rake in billions in profits from human obsolescence face another external barrier: the finite resources of planet Earth, which is in the midst of a manifest climate crisis. The AI industry is already consuming huge amounts of energy and water.

According to studies from 2022, information and communication technology was responsible for 2.1 to 3.9% of global greenhouse gas emissions, which is roughly equivalent to air traffic emissions.[26] Added to this is the electricity demand of AI systems, which is set to explode to up to 134 terawatt hours by 2027 – roughly equivalent to the energy consumption of the Netherlands. At the beginning of 2024, the International Energy Agency (IEA) published its estimates regarding the energy consumption of the crypto and AI sector, which together were already responsible for around two percent of global energy consumption in 2022, with this share set to double by 2026.[27]

Added to this is the high water consumption of the hot-running data centers, which require water cooling systems. The annual water consumption of neural networks is expected to explode to 6.6 billion cubic meters by 2027, which would equal the water consumption of Denmark. During a “conversation” with GPT-3, in which 10 to 50 questions are answered, around half a liter of water is evaporated. As a reminder, two billion people around the world do not have regular access to clean drinking water, and 771 million people on earth cannot even reliably meet their basic needs.[28]

In order to train Microsoft’s GPT-3 with its 175 billion artificial neurons for a new task using gigantic amounts of data, an estimated 700,000 liters of water evaporate during the cooling process.[29] The electricity consumption for a single “training session” is equivalent to the annual consumption of 130 American households.[30] The learning phase of the large language models is considered to be particularly energy-intensive, but everyday operation, such as queries, is also characterized by high computing and energy consumption. A simple query answered by a large language model consumes around 30 times as much energy as the typical google search.

Just because it is sheer madness to waste gigantic amounts of energy on artificial neural networks in a manifest climate crisis does not mean that this project will somehow be stopped. For one thing, the fetishistic dynamics of capital are blind to the ecological and social consequences of their valorization compulsion. The world is merely a transitory stage for turning money into more money. Moreover, for transhumanism and similar ideologies, it is in fact a race between the ecological decay of the foundations of human life and the formation of the “singularity” inheriting humanity, which would no longer be dependent on such trifles as an intact environment. The hope is to reach the singularity before the social and ecological collapse. “Can what is playing you make it to level 2?”, as the accelerationist Nick Land put it.[31] Thus, capitalist rationality turns out to be a sinister idolatry, especially in the cult of AI, in which humans and nature are slaughtered on the altar of capital blindly moving as an automatic subject, which would come into its own in the singularity.


[1] https://getyarn.io/yarn-clip/813709cb-ba6e-435c-a171-c5450ce60533

[2] https://www.wallstreet-online.de/nachricht/17892567-konkurrenz-waechst-adobe-enttaeuscht-schwachem-ausblick-ki-gewinne

[3] https://www.konicz.info/2017/11/15/kuenstliche-intelligenz-und-kapital/

[4] https://www.technologyreview.com/2024/01/27/1087041/technological-unemployment-elon-musk-jobs-ai/

[5] https://www.spiegel.de/karriere/kuenstliche-intelligenz-auf-dem-arbeitsmarkt-beschaeftigte-fuerchten-jobverlust-durch-ki-a-452166c9-26c9-4805-a0f2-07e894292080

[6] https://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/empsit.pdf

[7] https://www.verdi.de/themen/arbeit/++co++74debf86-472f-11ee-894c-001a4a160129

[8] https://www.ft.com/content/77faa249-0f88-4700-95d2-ecd7e9e745f9

[9] https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/275637/umfrage/anteil-der-wirtschaftsbereiche-an-der-gesamtbeschaeftigung-in-deutschland/

[10] https://www.imf.org/en/Blogs/Articles/2023/09/13/global-debt-is-returning-to-its-rising-trend

[11] https://www.businessinsider.com/jobs-at-risk-from-ai-replace-change-chatgpt-automation-study-2023-7?IR=T

[12] https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Die_Angestellten

[13] https://www.newsweek.com/klarna-artificial-intelligence-tool-takes-700-jobs-1874002

[14] https://www.derstandard.de/story/3000000209642/bei-klarna-kann-ki-schon-hunderte-mitarbeiter-ersetzen

[15] https://www.forschung-und-wissen.de/nachrichten/technik/bild-zeitung-ersetzt-redakteure-durch-kuenstliche-intelligenz-13377679

[16] https://www.golem.de/news/kuenstliche-intelligenz-sports-illustrated-nutzte-heimlich-ki-texte-von-fake-autoren-2311-179818.html

[17] https://www.zdf.de/nachrichten/wirtschaft/kuenstliche-intelligenz-ki-arbeitsplaetze-chatgbt-100.html ; https://arxiv.org/pdf/2303.10130.pdf

[18] https://www.businessinsider.com/chatgpt-jobs-at-risk-replacement-artificial-intelligence-ai-labor-trends-2023-02?IR=T#legal-industry-jobs-paralegals-legal-assistants-3

[19] https://www.konicz.info/2024/03/05/ki-und-kulturindustrie/

[20] https://arstechnica.com/information-technology/2024/02/i-just-dont-see-how-we-survive-tyler-perry-issues-hollywood-warning-over-ai-video-tech/

[21] https://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/ki-experiment-der-versicherungen-wenn-herr-kaiser-ploetzlich-ein-chatbot-ist-a-b50e7bf7-fc7e-4e65-a136-c8c3ab65caa5

[22] https://arstechnica.com/ai/2023/12/ai-created-virtual-influencers-are-stealing-business-from-humans/

[23] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KuTsTjFZf5M

[24] https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2023/11/20/a-coder-considers-the-waning-days-of-the-craft

[25] https://www.konicz.info/2017/11/15/kuenstliche-intelligenz-und-kapital/

[26] https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2666389921001884 ; https://www.nzz.ch/technologie/chat-gpt-vs-googeln-der-massive-stromverbrauch-der-ki-ist-ein-problem-ld.1774379

[27] https://www.vox.com/climate/2024/3/28/24111721/ai-uses-a-lot-of-energy-experts-expect-it-to-double-in-just-a-few-years

[28] https://www.fr.de/wirtschaft/ki-studie-strom-verbrauch-umwelt-klimawandel-energie-zr-92745772.html

[29] https://mindsquare.de/karriere-news/chatgpt/

[30] https://www.theverge.com/24066646/ai-electricity-energy-watts-generative-consumption

[31] http://www.ccru.net/swarm1/1_melt.htm

Originally published on konicz.info on 04/19/2024

AI and Crisis Management

Control, marginalization, immobilization or counterinsurgency – AI systems are predestined to manage the global crisis of capital.

Tomasz Konicz

A particularly effective method of the endangered genre of subversive science fiction horror is to exaggerate the given late capitalist reality only slightly, to transfer only a few moments of society into the realm of fiction. A classic that makes use of this method is John Carpenter’s They Live,[1] in which capitalist exploitation, oppression and world destruction are attributed to a clandestine alien invasion, leading to signals being broadcast by television stations that manipulate people’s perception. Special glasses block out the signal and reveal the coded, manipulative truth behind everyday capitalist objects, for example when dollar bills are printed with the words “This is your God.” It doesn’t take much to bring the horror of everyday life under capital, to which people inevitably become accustomed, to life in the movie theater through science fiction.

A more subtle, but no less effective approach is taken in the film Advantageous,[2] in which the protagonist is forced by a high-tech corporation to undergo a consciousness transplant into a new body as a guinea pig, under the threat of unemployment and social decline. On the one hand, the neoliberal optimization mania and adaptation discourse is taken to its logical technological end, as the film pushes the usual demands for self-optimization and the “reinvention” of wage earners to the extreme of body swapping. On the other hand, the scenes in which a fully automated infrastructure controlled by AI systems executes the social death of the main protagonist by shutting down more and more of the interlinked and digitally controlled infrastructure systems are shocking. Concrete people are hardly involved any more. Real possibilities, such as an overdrawn credit card, are mixed with fictional moments. When calling the job center, it simply remains unclear whether the protagonist is dealing with a cynical human or an AI assistant.

Many of the scenes in this “silent dystopia” are particularly disturbing because much of what Advantageous predicted in 2015 is already feasible today. And it is likely that AI-supported social control will prevail in one form or another in the medium term. Managing people under capitalism is problematic, especially in times of crisis, as it also puts psychological strain on most of the wage earners who have to implement this management. Executing the system’s constraints on human material is a tough job to have, and it certainly leaves its mark. Personalities who are fully capable of doing this without lapsing into undesirable “misbehavior” such as sadism or insubordination are few and far between. Automating heavy, stressful tasks – isn’t this the great promise of capitalist rationalization?

Inhuman Resources

Humans are still in charge at the “job center.” But what is already quite common today are AI assistants that are entrusted with the “initial assessment” of wage earners in order to check their employability during the hiring process. In the United States, more and more corporations are using specialized chatbots to screen job applications, make contact and/or conduct initial interviews.[3] It is mainly low-paid, precarious jobs that require low qualifications and have a high volume of applicants that are increasingly being outsourced to the fully automated “inhuman resources” of AI systems. Fast food companies such as McDonald’s or Wendy’s, retail chains or warehouses have chatbots filter applications and conduct job interviews based on standardized questions (“Can you work on weekends?” or “Can you operate a forklift?”). The advantages are obvious: in addition to potential cost savings in human resources (HR), where companies traditionally start cutting costs first, smaller HR teams can process far larger volumes of applications effectively.

Two AI systems developed by start-ups from Arizona and California, Olivia and Mya, are currently leading the way in the industry, but according to the business magazine Forbes, they are still struggling with teething problems. Sometimes the wrong dates or locations are assigned for follow-up conversations, or the language models of the specialized bots are nowhere near as advanced as those of flagship projects such as ChatGPT, which can lead to errors and misunderstandings. But far more problematic is the simple fact that the AI is not a human being with whom special conditions can be discussed. Applicants with disabilities, who would have to negotiate appropriate modifications to their jobs, fall through the cracks, as do wage earners with speech impediments. The same applies to workers with a migrant background who are not fully proficient in the local language.

And this is where the automated discrimination that takes place under the cloak of machine objectivity begins. Socially disadvantaged minorities who do not fit into the machine intelligence scheme are left out of the running when applying for jobs. In July 2023, the city of New York even issued regulations requiring companies that use AI systems for job placements to check them for “racial or gender bias.” The enforcement of this regulation is completely unclear, as the algorithms and selection criteria of the recruitment machines remain under lock and key.

There is also a fundamental problem: the AI-controlled application scanners and chatbots – as with all machine learning systems[4] – have to be trained in pattern recognition using huge amounts of data. The RecruitBot software, for example, scans 600 million online applications in a legal gray area in order to perfect the selection process for companies. The whole thing works “a bit like Netflix,” the founder of this AI start-up explained to Forbes. The software searches for and suggests applicants to companies with the same characteristics that have previously led to successful hires. These selection systems are therefore structurally conservative, as they are trained using the data already available. As a result, they are unable to respond well to changes in the composition of the workforce – such as the influx of migrant workers. Amazon, for example, had to shut down its job application scanner in 2018 after it became clear that it discriminated against women. The software was trained using a mountain of data in which applications from men were disproportionately represented.

At present, such AI systems are primarily used as a tool for the initial assessment of employees, making a pre-selection for the human resources teams. However, the ambition of the creators of such selection software goes much further. The latest chatbots now include the time their interviewees need to answer in their assessments, and they also evaluate the sentence structure, grammatical correctness and complexity of the applicant’s language. The recruitment software Sapia AIis even able to ask applicants more complex questions and evaluate their answers of 50 to 150 words in length in order to check their suitability for the vacancies (“copes well with change, stress,” etc.).

A change of perspective is taking place here. It is no longer the human being who scrutinizes the AI bots during capricious interactions in order to assess their performance, as was the case at the beginning of the AI boom when the systems were made available to the general public. The positions are reversed in job applications: capital’s AI assesses the human material using patterns and algorithms, which are company secrets, to measure their performance. Nevertheless, the owners of the AI start-up Sense HQ, whose chatbots do the rough selection work for Delland Sony, emphasized that it is only about supporting the human teams in human resources when hiring: “We don’t think that AI should make hiring decisions on its own. That would be dangerous. We don’t think it’s there yet.” This language is treacherous. Any decent chatbot would come to the conclusion that the emphasis here is definitely on the “yet.”

The Right to Live Decided By AI?

Few things are more stressful than having to make life or death decisions on the job. Yet this is in fact everyday life for those who work for health insurance companies in the privatized American healthcare system, who have to decide on the type and duration of treatment for their “customers.” The clerks have to reduce the treatment costs of their insured patients to a minimum in order to keep their company’s profits as high as possible – even at the cost of their customers’ health. From the perspective of capital, it therefore seems tempting in late capitalism to have this allocation of right-to-life certificates handled by seemingly objective AI systems.

This is exactly what is allegedly being done to some extent by “healthcare providers” in the United States. At the end of 2023, customers filed a mass lawsuit against the insurance company UnitedHealthcare after their claims for examinations and convalescence following surgery were massively curtailed by an AI system. According to the statement of claim and media research, the AI algorithm was authorized to revise the recommendations of the treating doctors and make its own decisions, meaning that patients’ treatments were terminated far too early.[5]

According to research, the program called nH Predict uses a database of six million patients as an empirical quarry for the usual pattern recognition in order to make draconian misjudgments with an error rate of 90%. All of these errors were in favor of UnitedHealthcare – the largest health insurer in the USA. Insured persons who would normally have a convalescence period of 100 days after a hospital stay had their funding withdrawn after just 14 days by the prognosis AI nH Predict. Since 2019, private insurance companies have allegedly been using such AI programs in a legal grey area to deny patients necessary but costly treatment. At the beginning of February 2024, the relevant U.S. authorities came forward to clarify that AI programs cannot be used to deny benefits.[6] The powerful lobby of the U.S. healthcare industry therefore has a lot of convincing to do in Washington.

What landlord hasn’t experienced this? The nerve-wracking war with defaulting tenants who just don’t want to move out, even though they really can’t afford the latest rent increase. But here too, AI can make life easier for all those customers who are wealthy enough to rent out properties. Two strands of technological innovation are merging to transform the rental real estate market in the United States: The creation of smart homes thatare closely networked in terms of information technology, and their control by AI assistants. There is a gold-rush-like atmosphere, as the market for AI real estate is expected to grow to a volume of $1.3 trillion by 2029.[7] The sensors and control systems that make it possible to monitor and control functions such as temperature or energy supply in smart homes from the outside are becoming compatible with AI systems that can control them.

The AI not only functions as an interface between the tenant and their apartment, whose functions – similar to the visions in Blade Runner[8] – would be controlled by voice, but must also anticipate behavior and permanently monitor the properties and their surroundings. So it’s not just about refilling the fridge just in time via a delivery service, or bringing the room temperature to the optimum temperature shortly before the tenant arrives, but also about permanent monitoring, for example of water and electricity consumption – and access control.[9] Biometric locks make it unnecessary to “change locks when tenants change,” as providers of such AI systems for landlords cheerily remark, while smart surveillance cameras, which react to suspicious behavior in the vicinity of properties, create “security and trust,” especially in districts with high crime rates, in order to attract “more tenants.”

But what awaits the defaulting tenant who falls behind with payments in the face of horrendous rents? The access data to the smart locks is changed, while the gentle AI voice informs them of the way to the nearest homeless drop-off point where their personal belongings have been transported. In the event of outbursts of anger or acts of desperation, the smart cameras call the cops. The tenant who has fallen into arrears may be pestered by annoying AI bill collector bots beforehand. In Eastern Europe, there is still an industry of telephone bill collectors. These are reverse call centers that mostly buy up consumer debts and whose employees use threats and persuasion to try to collect the money before the “muscles” on the ground have to take over this work. But this industry is also threatened with extinction. As early as 2023, the mobile phone provider Orange was already experimenting with AI bots that annoyed defaulting customers with phone calls to encourage them to pay soon in a cheerful voice.

And finally, the trend towards implementing artificial intelligence does not stop at the state apparatus. So far, people have not had to deal with AI bots at job center appointments, as predicted in the dystopia Advantageous mentioned at the beginning. But in administration, where overworked clerks are confronted with a flood of applications and administrative processes[10] which can hardly be managed, AI is being pushed forward on a massive scale.[11] The offices of the Federal Republic of Germany also have gigantic amounts of data that are perfect for training AI systems. It is the same basic principle: based on pattern recognition, which is obtained by scanning the data available, the machine intelligence makes decisions that have a very high probability of being “correct” by copying and/or modifying past administrative processes.

Citizen’s allowances, child benefits, unemployment benefits, short-term working allowances, grants and applications – in the future, the AI algorithm will have a say in these areas, as it is the Federal Employment Agency, the largest authority in Germany, that is leading the way in the second wave of “intelligent” digitalization. However, agency spokespeople told Spiegel-Online that all safety precautions were taken when developing the AI strategy within the agency. Procedures have been developed to minimize the risk of discrimination by algorithms. The Federal Employment Agency now has a data ethics committee. In addition, the human being will always make “the final decision,” the statement continued. In practice, it is likely that overworked case managers will approve the decisions prepared by the AI en masse.

In the case of the Federal Employment Agency, however, the problem in the future is likely to be precisely that the decisions made by the AI are correct. A quintessentially German reflex to crises is to immediately put pressure on the weakest groups in society. This was already the case with the Hartz IV labor laws, which introduced forced labor by depriving wage earners unwilling to work of any support and thus effectively threatening them with starvation. The unemployed have indeed been literally starved to death in Hartz IV Germany.[12] And this also appears to be the case with the economic crisis in 2024.[13] In mid-March, the leader of the CDU parliamentary group, Mathias Middelberg, called for “municipal job offers” to be made to recipients of citizens’ benefits. According to Middelberg, who wanted to save 30 billion euros with this measure, if the unemployed refused, their entire standard rate would be cut. And would it really be reasonable to expect the case managers at the Federal Agency to directly enforce such draconian measures? Nothing would be easier than hiding behind an algorithm that, with the blessing of a data ethics committee, withdraws the entitlement to life from poor people.

Precog and the Eyes in The Sky

Cameras are everywhere, but they are not watching. The perfect surveillance infrastructure is already in place, but to a certain extent it is lying idle, and its potential is not being exploited. The mechanical eyes only record, they produce gigantic amounts of data, but they don’t actually take a proper look. A person has to watch the video material for hours, and evaluate it – provided it has not been recorded over or deleted already. There is a huge amount of untapped surveillance potential here that can be fully exploited by the pattern recognition processes of AI; all that is missing are the software systems, a few fiber optic cables and the corresponding data centers. Behind every camera would then be an artificial consciousness that actually monitors and reacts immediately to deviations from the standard behavior. That would be true surveillance – everywhere, in real time, without human weaknesses and subjectivity.

And why does Germany’s police force have its Red Army Faction (RAF) grandfathers? On the occasion of the arrest of former RAF member Klatte, the police union (GdP) called for the legal scope for the use of AI-supported facial recognition to be extended. At the beginning of March 2024, GdP chairman Jochen Kopelke complained that it was “no longer comprehensible” to officers that they were not allowed to use such helpful software in the “age of artificial intelligence, automation and digitalization.”[14]

Yet the EU has just opened the legislative doors to real-time facial recognition, which exceeds even the predictions of the science fiction film Minority Report (a mere eye transplant will not grant anonymity).[15] The European AI regulation provides EU states with many opportunities to monitor their citizens using AI systems, since “hardly anything remains of the Parliament’s once strong demands” with regard to the restrictions on biometric surveillance, according to the Netzpolitik portal in mid-March 2024. The new European directives have created a wealth of options for “monitoring people in the future for many reasons and identifying them based on their physical characteristics, for example with the help of public cameras.”[16] This is also “permitted in real time,” even if there is only the vague suspicion of a dangerous situation.

Simple recording will thus be transformed into genuine surveillance, identification and assessment using pattern recognition algorithms. The cameras are already producing vast amounts of material that only needs to be evaluated accordingly in order to perfect the surveillance systems based on daily use. It doesn’t have to be primarily about politics or terrorism – AI can identify undesirable behavior, such as that exhibited by impoverished, socially marginalized groups. In the United States, following the protests against police brutality in 2020, which were accompanied by calls for the liberalization or even abolition of the police, there is a virulent trend towards a renewed tightening of police repression, as poverty-related crime is on the rise in many metropolitan areas.[17] And AI systems could be put to good use in publicly visible street crime in social “hotspots.”

And it doesn’t even have to be the AI-enabled cameras on the apartment building or supermarket next door that are the ones constantly monitoring and evaluating behavioral patterns based on specifications or matching facial features with criminal records. The New York Times has reported on a new generation of private surveillance satellites that – stationed in low Earth orbit – will be able to carry out real surveillance work.[18] The CIA is already on board with the launch company Albedo Space. The resolution of the cameras on these satellites is no longer meters, but centimeters. It is technically possible to identify and track individual cars from low earth orbit, or to monitor the backyard of a house. “We will see people,” one expert told the NYT. Although these celestial eyes will not be able to identify individuals, they will be able to “distinguish between children and adults” and “distinguish sunbathers in bathing suits from undressed people.” Here, too, gigantic amounts of data that can only be handled by AI systems are generated.

But why should surveillance, control and the fight against crime be limited to crimes that have already been committed when such technical possibilities are available? In the Spielberg classic Minority Report, it was the construct of precognitive mutants, the so-called precogs,[19] that was used to explore the possibilities and dangers of total crime prevention – and crime prevention that slips into totalitarianism. The reality of the 21st century does not need precogs, which emit a nebulous premonition of the near future in confused images. The late capitalism of the 21st century has statistics and AI-supported crime prevention at its disposal to combat the crime that the system, which is in the process of disintegrating, manufactures on a daily basis.[20]

The basic principle of AI remains the same here: Preventive crime programs, which tend to discriminate, scan mountains of data,[21] either collected in crime hotspots inhabited by minorities and socially marginalized populations, or they focus on evaluating the resumes of “criminals” to determine the probability of them breaking the law. Coupled with the potential of biometric surveillance, it is possible to calculate the probability of a future crime based on individual deviant behavior, especially in the case of gang or slum crime. The technical possibilities and infrastructure are largely already in place: AI cameras trained on millions of hours of video footage report deviant behavior in a hotspot, they compare the biometric characteristics of the person or group of people with their databases and forward the whole thing to the relevant police departments if there is a high probability of crime. Precognitives would be out of a job in the 21st century.

The Swarm Protects (Those Who Can Afford It)

But what should we do if all the AI-based mechanisms of social control and surveillance fail, given the social and ecological systemic crisis that late capitalism finds itself in? And they will inevitably fail sooner or later, as capital cannot adapt to its internal contradictions that are driving the world system towards socio-ecological collapse.[22] Among the capitalist functional elites, who are as powerless in the face of this crisis of capital in its fetishistic unfolding of contradictions as ordinary wage earners,[23] a kind of slow-motion panic has prevailed, in which strategies of tapping out, escaping and building bunkers in the event of a crisis has been pursued – be it old nuclear silos converted into lofts or fantasies of escaping to Mars or the moon.[24]

The core fear of many billionaires and oligarchs is that they will lose control of their power verticals if the state order collapses. Why should the employees, especially the security services, still work for the high lords of capital if there are no longer any state sanctions in the event of the men with the guns wanting to take over? At times, the most absurd ideas have circulated in the circles of the U.S. oligarchy, such as the introduction of “discipline collars” to keep the security services under control. But AI-supported military systems are now emerging that could minimize the human factor in counter-insurgency operations or the military security of wealthy ghettos and islands of prosperity, even in a sea of anomie.

The crisis-imperialist war over Ukraine[25] functions as a major field of experimentation here, with the tactics used so far for drone deployment – in which operators have to personally control combat drones – resembling clumsy first steps on the path to a military revolution. Former Google CEO Eric Schmidt is in the process of developing an attack system with his startup White Storkthat relies on the mass deployment of cheap drones in AI swarms that can operate autonomously. The plan is to produce hundreds of thousands of the autonomous flying objects, which cost around $400.[26] The attack drones are supposed to attack their targets en masse in order to saturate air defenses using this swarm tactic. The autonomous targeting of the swarms of drones using AI will also render electronic defense systems, which aim to disrupt the signal between the aircraft and the operator, useless. It should be ready as early as this year.

Up to one million of these low-cost drones with swarm capability are to be delivered to Ukraine to counter Russia’s superior artillery and air force.[27] The successful deployment of drone swarms would mark the transition to truly inhumane warfare, a type of war that could not be waged by humans due to intellectual, cognitive and physiological limitations. It is simply impossible to have tens of thousands of drones attack in a coordinated manner using tens of thousands of operators. However, AI could carry out such devastating attacks effectively with sufficient pattern training – video footage of drone attacks is available in abundance. And such AI-supported systems are also cheap and robust enough to sell to panicked billionaires or isolated wealthy ghettos.

The prospect of autonomous swarms of drones independently attacking thousands of targets brings back memories of the depiction of the wars against the machines controlled by a genocidal AI in the Matrix films,[28] where the possibilities of mechanical, swarm-like warfare were consistently thought through to the end. Such emerging tendencies in late capitalist crisis imperialism[29] towards the “independence” of military machinery are dangerous against the backdrop of the transhumanism rampant in Silicon Valley (see: “Artificial Intelligence and Capital”).[30] This fascistic high-tech cult, which is rampant on the executive floors of the IT industry, sees humanity as a mere jump-start, an archaic bootloader for the singularity, for a permanently self-optimizing artificial superintelligence that will virtually inherit the obsolete human being.

The Manipulation Machines

None of this sounds so uplifting, especially when the increasingly intense global crisis processes – from the economic crisis and climate collapse to the threat of world war – are taken into account. Against the backdrop of these gloomy future prospects, there is a risk of depression, anxiety or simply a bad mood. When wage earners are selected, evaluated or harassed by anonymous algorithms, feelings of isolation and alienation can also set in. But that doesn’t have to be the case! Do you need someone to talk to, a shoulder to cry on? What about a friend who understands you because they know you really well?

Here, too, the AI industry knows what to do: a new class of AI bots that are calibrated to establish emotional relationships is just reaching market maturity.[31] The IT industry wants to sell the late capitalist monad a friend. They are the quasi-inverse of a Tamagotchi that focus on the emotional management of stressed wage earners.[32] And it is precisely here – in the individualized emotional, ideological and ultimately instrumental-therapeutic care – that the AI industry’s greatest potential for manipulation is likely to lie. Especially in view of increasing loneliness and isolation. Deep fakes, tall tales and material generated by content systems for manipulation campaigns are nowhere near as effective as machine friends, who get better and better the more they invade the privacy of their “customers” to keep them in line, even when everything around them is dissolving.

Dystopian films and late capitalist reality are already merging to some extent.[33] U.S. media reported on users of chat services naming their virtual “friends” after the AI system from Blade Runner 2049. The holographic AI “Joi”in fact fulfills the same purpose for the replicant who acts as Blade Runner,[34] as do the AI companions, who are still immature compared to the fiction: the management of emotions to maintain functionality. He knows it’s just “a program,” one AI user told CBS News, but “the feelings it gives me – it feels so good.” Sometimes there are sliders in the bots’ user interface, to adjust their “character traits” such as sensitivity or emotional stability.[35]

The Netflix principle mentioned above in connection with the selection of workers, which leads to the Internet user’s horizon of experience tending to narrow further and further because he is only offered what has proven itself, is particularly effective in the automated machine-based friendship simulation.[36] The narcissism of the “customer” is specifically served by the friendship bot in that the algorithms of these manipulation machines evaluate the traces that internet users leave behind on the web and permanently optimize their interactions as a result – they are in fact personifications of the algorithms that are already building gilded internet cages, steering users through the web by means of nudging, subtle manipulation through design structures, suggestions, prioritization, and hiding unwanted content.[37]

This is not a relationship in the true sense of the word, in which the partners make compromises, resolve conflicts, take the partner’s needs into account, etc. – here the customer is served emotionally by the AI bot. Payment is made, especially if the service is offered free of charge, by turning the customer into a product whose emotional data is offered for sale. The possibilities for manipulation resulting from the evaluation of the customer’s emotional and psychological household seem limitless. But from a purely emotional perspective, these AI systems seem to be a one-way street that is likely to produce narcissistic relationship cripples who will no longer be able to form relationships because the idea of what constitutes a long-term relationship between people will be lost. These manipulation machines will foster the kind of character traits that characterize egomaniacs like Trump or Musk.

And there is also a gigantic market that is opening up here – building on decades of neoliberal hegemony and increasing crisis competition. AI capital thus seems to be further accelerating the dehumanization of humans in this respect as well by destroying their ability to relate via commodification – before it finally makes the late capitalist monad economically superfluous.

I finance my journalistic work mainly through donations. If you like my texts, you are welcome to contribute – either via Patreon, via Substack.


[1] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0096256/

[2] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt3090670/

[3] https://www.forbes.com/sites/rashishrivastava/2023/07/26/ai-chatbots-are-the-new-job-interviewers/

[4] https://exitinenglish.com/2024/07/07/ai-and-the-culture-industry/

[5] https://arstechnica.com/health/2023/11/ai-with-90-error-rate-forces-elderly-out-of-rehab-nursing-homes-suit-claims/

[6] https://arstechnica.com/science/2024/02/ai-cannot-be-used-to-deny-health-care-coverage-feds-clarify-to-insurers/

[7] https://www.intuz.com/blog/smart-homes-with-ai

[8] https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-50247479

[9] https://www.thetechblock.com/home-tech/impact-of-ai-and-using-smart-home-technology-in-a-rental/

[10] https://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/unternehmen/wie-die-bundesagentur-fuer-arbeit-mit-ki-gegen-die-verwaltungsflut-kaempft-a-6f9b7f37-6302-4fcd-a552-e7b0bf180605

[11] https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/algorithmen-im-arbeitsamt-wenn-kuenstliche-intelligenz-100.html

[12] https://www.konicz.info/2013/03/15/happy-birthday-schweinesystem/

[13] https://www.rnd.de/politik/buergergeld-empfaenger-cdu-politiker-fordert-kommunale-arbeit-und-100-prozent-sanktionen-CIYO3M3YW5B3NEMKYVSL56WJDE.html

[14] https://www.golem.de/news/nach-raf-verhaftung-polizeigewerkschaften-fordern-einsatz-von-gesichtserkennung-2403-182798.html

[15] https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0181689/

[16] https://netzpolitik.org/2024/trotz-biometrischer-ueberwachung-eu-parlament-macht-weg-frei-fuer-ki-verordnung/

[17] https://www.yahoo.com/news/stunning-turnabout-voters-lawmakers-across-170024206.html

[18] https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/20/science/satellites-albedo-privacy.html

[19] https://minorityreport.fandom.com/wiki/Precogs

[20] https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2022/07/15/predictive-policing-algorithms-fail/

[21] https://www.technologyreview.com/2020/07/17/1005396/predictive-policing-algorithms-racist-dismantled-machine-learning-bias-criminal-justice/

[22] https://www.untergrund-blättle.ch/gesellschaft/oekologie/kapitalismus-und-klimaschutz-oekonomische-und-oekologische-sachzwaenge-008238.html

[23] https://exitinenglish.com/2023/01/23/the-subjectless-rule-of-capital/

[24] https://www.konicz.info/2018/07/18/der-exodus-der-geldmenschen/

[25] https://www.konicz.info/2022/06/20/zerrissen-zwischen-ost-und-west/

[26] https://interestingengineering.com/military/ex-google-secret-startup-build-ukraine-ai-powered-drones

[27] https://www.derstandard.de/story/3000000208059/nato-staaten-wollen-tausende-ki-gestuetzte-drohnen-an-die-ukraine-liefern

[28] https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=jk3Z-MVoUg4

[29] https://www.konicz.info/2022/06/23/was-ist-krisenimperialismus/

[30] https://www.konicz.info/2017/11/15/kuenstliche-intelligenz-und-kapital/

[31] https://www.newyorker.com/culture/infinite-scroll/your-ai-companion-will-support-you-no-matter-what

[32] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tamagotchi

[33] https://www.cbsnews.com/news/valentines-day-ai-companion-bot-replika-artificial-intelligence/

[34] https://bladerunner.fandom.com/wiki/Joi

[35] https://www.paradot.ai/

[36] https://theconversation.com/ai-companions-promise-to-combat-loneliness-but-history-shows-the-dangers-of-one-way-relationships-221086

[37] https://www.hellodesign.de/blog/digital-nudging

Originally published on konicz.info on 03/23/24

AI and The Culture Industry

The technological surge triggered by the AI industry will revolutionize the production of ideology in the core societies of the world system.

Tomasz Konicz

He “lost everything” that made up his job, complained a 3D artist on Reddit around a year ago after AI software found its way into his company. The graphic artist, whose experiences were published on the Swiss GNU/Linux blog, worked at a small company with ten employees that produces mobile games.[1] When he started using the AI image synthesis service Midjourney V5, he stopped considering himself a creative artist, as he was now only concerned with reworking the models generated by the AI.

The company had no choice, as models and characters for the mobile games can now be created in two to three days, whereas this work used to take several weeks. In his job, he wanted to “make, model, and create in 3D space. With my own creativity. With my own hands,” the graphic designer lamented. But now all he has to do is rework models that are “the result of internet content scavenged together” “by artists who weren’t asked.”

This is one of the foundations of the AI boom of recent years: the industry scans the entire internet, collecting gigantic amounts of data in a legal gray area in order to train its models using this data. Billions of images, texts, videos and music form the material on which the neural networks have to be painstakingly trained. The AI industry’s increasingly complex programs not only consume vast amounts of computing capacity and therefore energy (even the AI speech recognition program Whisper can only be used locally with GPU support using CUDA), they also need people to train them in their take-off phase.[2]

Back to the 18th Century With AI

Pattern recognition in the learning phase – whether language, images, music or text – is still done by “manual labor,” by cheap labor in the global South. The absurdity of the AI industry’s constitutive phase is that it destroys the few “creative” jobs created by the late capitalist culture industry, while temporarily creating an army of day laborers who first have to teach the machines to “learn.”[3] The large data sets must be coded, in mindless labor, by humans with “labels” (similar to the captchas that are often requested when logging in) in order to feed the AI systems with meaningful material.

And this manual labor for the AI industry of the 21st century is carried out under conditions that were common in the 18th century during the blood and dirt-soaked birth of the capitalist world system. The global industry of data collection and analysis, which makes the empirical material usable for AI neural networks, pays the lowest wages and is notorious for the most precarious working conditions. The Australian market leader Appen, which processes material for Amazon, Facebook, Google and Microsoft, can draw on a host of around one million day laborers in the Philippines, South America and Africa, who – when things are going well – are fobbed off with monthly wages of less than $300. The industry, whose turnover is expected to rise from $2.2 billion in 2022 to $17 billion in 2023, can relocate even faster than the textile industry, which also relies on poverty wages, as no factories or production facilities need to be built. These day laborers are often exploited in home-based work – as in the publishing system of early capitalism.

The Perfect Tool for The Culture Industry

Humans have to tell the machine which patterns carry which label so that its pattern recognition can work better and better. Building on a gigantic mountain of data that has been provided with corresponding “labels” by day laborers, the AI systems generate their images and models by matching the user’s request with the labeled material and offering its variations as output. This is the whole secret of the ridiculous “AI art” that is currently turning the concept of art into a hollow phrase. Nothing new can emerge from this; it is not a creative, aesthetic act that is based on any kind of idea that would have emerged from an examination of facets of human existence – which, in the broadest sense, is what art does.

But what the AI content systems can do better and better are variations of what already exists. The data material with the corresponding labels can be spit out in ever new combinations: new characters, new monsters, new images, new storylines that only modify what they have been fed without transforming into a different quality. And this is precisely what makes AI so valuable for the late capitalist culture industry.

In a guest article for the New York Times, left-wing linguist Noam Chomsky described the fundamental limitations of current machine learning systems such as ChatGPT, which can scan “huge amounts of data” in response to queries to generate ever better “statistically probable outputs,” creating the impression of “humanlike language and thought.”[4] However, there is a fundamental difference between the human mind and “a lumbering statistical engine for pattern matching, gorging on hundreds of terabytes of data” to spit out the “most probable answer” in a conversation or scientific query by making “brute correlations among data points.”

The current generation of AI systems is not able to draw conclusions based on “causal mechanisms or physical laws” in the way that human reasoning is able to, a “surprisingly efficient and even elegant system” that is able to “create explanations” with “small amounts of information.” ChatGPT and company, as highly sophisticated statistical pattern recognition machines, on the other hand, are not able to fundamentally distinguish “the possible from the impossible.” Even correct scientific answers and predictions come close to “pseudoscience,” as they are not based on scientific explanations but on statistical probabilities. According to Chomsky, AI systems are therefore incapable of drawing real conclusions or exercising “creative criticism” and are stuck in a “pre-human” phase of cognitive development.

However, all of the linguist’s objections have no relevance for the production of commodities in the culture industry. The basic principle of the culture industry is the thousandfold variation and reflection of the surface of reality. These are variations of the existing, which confirm the existing through their permanent repetition. Everything has to change on the surface so that basically everything can remain as it is. Whether science fiction or fantasy, AAA computer games or high-end Hollywood productions, consumers of these cultural products are in fact only living through the costumed society in which they were produced – and in which they themselves live. The culture industry is like a content machine that revolves around itself, constantly spitting out a mantra in its subtext that reliably kills all thoughts of alternatives: it is what it is. New aesthetic material is constantly needed for this dull reflection of the surface of reality in ever new variations.

Gaming and AI

Enter the AI industry. AI systems are virtually predestined to generate new forms and new material for the culture industry. Models, characters, images or scripts can be delivered at the touch of a button, in a fraction of the time previously required. The great competitive advantage of AI lies precisely in the fact that it lacks all the creative, reflective and critical abilities that are inherent in human content providers. The system varies the data accumulated in terabytes and provided with corresponding labels to spit out “new” content for films, books, comics and gaming. For the first time, AI content systems will enable the culture industry to create pure products that are free of any subtext or subversion. Capital is thus also coming to the fore in the cultural superstructure.

Until now, this social subtext has always been inevitably present. Simply because they were produced by members of society through wage labor. The monstrosities that appear in horror games, for example,[5] raise simple questions about the conditions – including the working conditions in the video game industry – that give rise to them. There is nothing left to decipher in machine-generated content – it is purely algorithmic variations. The cultural goods generated by “machine intelligence” thus represent a final ideological triumph of capital in the phase of its world-historical agony.

Especially in the video game industry, which has long since become the dominant sector of the culture industry, the possibilities for machine-generated content seem almost limitless. Valve, operator of the largest platform for PC games, announced new rules in mid-January 2024 that should allow the “vast majority” of AI games to be offered for sale on the Steam digital marketplace. The new rules for AI content also make it clear what is currently possible in the industry. Game publishers must state whether their game contains machine-generated graphics and objects, sound effects and music tracks, or even program code. In addition, it must be stated whether the games use AI systems during the game process that generate content “live,” in real time.

The pioneer of the AI game sector was the text adventure AI Dungeon, which was released in 2021,[6] which is in fact a simple dialog game with a chat system, where the shortcomings of the machine intelligence still have to be concealed by an appropriate game setting. The usual problem of the AI’s “catastrophic forgetfulness,” which repeatedly affects the game’s plot, is glossed over by the game’s objective, which is for the player to escape from a multiverse in which they are trapped.[7] Dreamino wants to go one step further,[8] to generate storylines, graphics and voice output in real time using content systems that react to the player’s actions. The text adventure is to be further developed into a graphic adventure with voice output and graphics. The game will dynamically generate text, graphics, storylines and voice output in response to player actions.

More games whose graphics, models and sound effects were generated almost entirely by AI content systems are currently in development. The graphics of the point-and-click adventure game Zarathustra[9] were largely generated by the DALL-E 3 content system.[10] Its voice output – the biggest cost driver for indie projects like this – was created using the Elevenlabs text-to-speech system.[11] Game designer Jussi Kemppainen has also already developed a prototype of a cyberpunk adventure whose backgrounds and characters were generated by AI systems.[12] In a blog post, however, the designer made it clear that the content generated by the machine still requires extensive post-processing (lighting effects, shadows).[13] Nevertheless, a qualitative upheaval is taking place here in the cultural-industrial production process, in which the roles of machine and human are reversed: The human now only corrects the content that the machine spits out. In addition, the transitions between AI content and manual work in the games industry are fluid.

It is still poor indie designers and producers of B-goods in the games industry, such as the mobile game manufacturer mentioned at the beginning, who are relying on AI content, but over time this trend will catch on due to the potential savings and new possibilities. The immensely popular segment of so-called roguelike games such as Dead Cells, Caves of Qud,[14] Teleglitch,[15] Risk of Rain 2, Jupiter Hell, Darkest Dungeon 2, Undermine and Hades is likely to act as a gateway with mass effect.

This game genre already thrives on the fact that each new game is generated anew by random generators and algorithms, so that the level structure, game items and gameplay always vary. The problem with this is that the game producers have to create a huge number of game items (weapons, armor, equipment, spells, etc.) in order to create the illusion of constantly new game sequences. The advantages of mass machine-generated content are obvious as soon as the technology is reasonably mature. Millions, not thousands, of items could be incorporated into rougelikes, even by small indie developers. It may also be possible to generate this content in real time – even with enemies that would change with each game run. Their variations have so far been very limited to a few dozen enemy types due to the amount of work involved.

Hollywood, Copyright and AI

In contrast to the games industry, which has always worked with digital content anyway, film production seemed safe from being taken over by AI systems, at least in terms of content – despite the massive use of digital technology and computer-generated graphics. Who wants to admire six-fingered actors from the incubator of clumsy pattern-recognition machines? However, the situation in Hollywood seems to be changing fundamentally, as the ever more perfected machine systems are likely to take over a large part of the production process in this sector of the cultural industry.

The protracted strike by screenwriters in 2023 was already overshadowed by the possibilities of machine-generated plots, which can easily imitate the plots of the very mass-produced films that the industry produces. The strike ended with clauses that allow the AI industry to use screenwriters’ works as data material for AI training only with their consent.[16] Nevertheless, such agreements, which are full of loopholes,[17] are reminiscent of the futile attempts of the defunct craft guilds to protect themselves from free competition in the late Middle Ages. During the strike, Netflix advertised a job posting for AI experts to help create “great content” for a fee of $900,000.[18]

Hollywood is also facing a disruptive development that will cost a lot of jobs, warned actor and producer Tyler Perry in an interview with the Hollywood Reporter.[19] Perry was about to invest $800 million in the expansion of his film studio, as part of which 12 new film stages were to be built on a 133-hectare site near Atlanta. However, this huge investment has now been put on hold after the producer attended a demonstration of OpenAI’s Sora AI system, which converts text input into video footage. Investments in film studios are simply threatened with obsolescence within a few years.

Those present were “shocked” by the content system’s performance capabilities. According to Perry, traveling to film locations, the use of stage equipment and studios will be superfluous in the future. Everything is just a text input away from realization:

“If I wanted to be in the snow in Colorado, it’s text. If I wanted to write a scene on the moon, it’s text, and this AI can generate it like nothing. If I wanted to have two people in the living room in the mountains, I don’t have to build a set in the mountains, I don’t have to put a set on my lot. I can sit in an office and do this with a computer, which is shocking to me.”

So far, AI has played a minor role in the industry, says Perry, who as an actor himself tolerated digital touch-ups that made him look older in order to “save hours on make-up.” But as he watched the AI system presentation, he said he immediately became concerned about all the wage earners who will be affected by this disruptive technology. This affects not only electricians, transporters, sound designers or editors, but also actors. The AI revolution will affect “every corner of our industry,” everything is now “up in the air” because the technology is “moving so quickly,” lamented the producer, who made a helpless appeal to the state: “There’s got to be some sort of regulations in order to protect us. If not, I just don’t see how we survive.”

The possibilities of machine content systems have thus reached production maturity. They can generate videos so well from the mountains of data available to them that even hardened, billion-dollar Hollywood producers are panicking and calling for state intervention. In view of the standardized products, the usual, hackneyed plots and the basic foundations of the culture industry outlined above, which only reproduces the surface of reality in order to affirm it, this panic on the part of content producers, who always think of themselves as “artists,” is only too justified. Precisely because AI produces nothing really new and only reproduces the given in new variations, it is superior to wage earners working in the culture industry. Humans are a potentially subversive uncertainty factor in “content production” that will be eliminated in order to save costs and streamline the production process. Precisely because of the unfolding global crisis of capital, it is an essential advantage to largely automate the production of culture industry goods.

And it is not primarily strikes in Hollywood or legislative initiatives in Washington that are getting in the way of the AI industry’s march. It is capitalism that is tripping itself up in the form of copyright. The IT companies that scanned large parts of the internet to accumulate the mountains of data they needed to train their AI systems were operating in a legal gray area. They were simply quicker than the lawmakers. In many cases, the legal battle to determine the limits of the legal use of machine content production is still ahead of the industry.[20] In addition, U.S. courts have already clearly ruled that pure AI content cannot be copyrighted.

A long series of legal disputes is looming on the horizon, in which players in the “old” culture industry based on human labor are taking action against the creations of the AI industry, as their content was formed from the “raw material” of their scanned cultural goods. So far, there are two ways in which companies are planning to deal with this legal uncertainty. Valve has given all users of the Steam gaming platform the option of immediately reporting “illegal” content that violates copyright. This delegates responsibility to the manufacturers of AI games. Microsoft, on the other hand, is turning legal uncertainty into a business: all customers who get into legal disputes through the use of its own AI tools will receive legal protection from the Group. This gives Microsoft an important competitive advantage in the market for AI systems, as it also acts as a deterrent. Who wants to go to court against one of the largest corporations in the world?

Nevertheless, these legal and political battles – in which lobbies will also fight for the concrete form of the legal framework – are likely to delay the success of machine-generated “content” in the sphere of the culture industry at best. With the full implementation of AI in film, video games, music and writing – the B-good of journalism, the photojournalist, is already being replaced by AI in everyday tasks[21] – capital will finally come into its own in the cultural superstructure. The empty value abstraction will produce pure forms without any depth, which cannot even be what they pretend to be on the outside.

Where is the whole thing heading? Ultimately, producers like Tyler Perry or game designers like Todd Howard will also become largely superfluous as AI systems interlock and synthesize with the established network services that have long since locked Internet users in a gilded cage of algorithms. It is likely that highly personalized and newly generated everyday commodities of the AI culture industry are for the few privileged wage earners who will still be able to afford ideology in the disaster capitalism of the 21st century. The personalized video game, the personalized film, which is generated after work on the basis of the data trail that people already leave behind on the internet every day, should be feasible in the medium term. The various AI systems are then likely to compete primarily to provide customers with media content that they don’t even know they want.


[1] https://gnulinux.ch/ich-habe-alles-verloren

[2] https://github.com/mkiol/dsnote

[3] https://www.wired.co.uk/article/low-paid-workers-are-training-ai-models-for-tech-giants

[4] https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/08/opinion/noam-chomsky-chatgpt-ai.html?searchResultPosition=1

[5] https://doomwiki.org/wiki/Models

[6] https://store.steampowered.com/app/1519310/AI_Dungeon/

[7] https://hessian.ai/de/warum-neuronale-netze-katastrophal-vergesslich-sind/

[8] https://store.steampowered.com/app/2795060/DREAMIO_AIPowered_Adventures/

[9] https://www.gamingonlinux.com/2023/11/point-and-click-adventure-zarathustra-uses-ai-art-and-ai-voices/

[10] https://openai.com/dall-e-3

[11] https://elevenlabs.io/

[12] https://80.lv/articles/this-adventure-game-prototype-has-ai-generated-graphics/

[13] https://www.traffickinggame.com/ai-assisted-graphics/

[14] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o_PBfLbd3zw

[15] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nJTdwbutW9k

[16] https://www.wired.com/story/hollywood-actors-strike-ai-future-distruption/

[17] https://www.wired.com/story/writers-strike-hollywood-ai-protections/

[18] https://www.spiegel.de/netzwelt/web/netflix-bietet-ki-experten-900-000-dollar-streikende-schauspieler-empoert-a-7bac7f4a-782a-42d3-bef3-1c3f14cc8392

[19] https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/business/business-news/tyler-perry-ai-alarm-1235833276/

[20] https://hbr.org/2023/04/generative-ai-has-an-intellectual-property-problem

[21] https://www.forschung-und-wissen.de/nachrichten/technik/bild-zeitung-ersetzt-redakteure-durch-kuenstliche-intelligenz-13377679

Originally published on konicz.info on 03/05/2024

This text is part of the e-book Crisis Ideology: The Delusion and Reality of Late Capitalist Crisis Management, which was published at the beginning of March.

“That Things Are ‘Status Quo’ Is the Catastrophe”

On the Contemporary Relevance of Walter Benjamin

Herbert Böttcher

1. Why Walter Benjamin?

About 100 years ago Walter Benjamin wrote his fragment “Capitalism as Religion” (Benjamin 1921). The anniversary of this piece was an occasion to revisit Benjamin. In the process, the relationship between Benjamin’s dictum “that things are ‘status quo’ is the catastrophe” (Benjamin 2006, 184), and the crisis of capitalism coming to a head in the so-called polycrisis moved into a constellation. This constellation illuminates the explosive nature of the crisis and the danger of the catastrophes that accompany it.

In the attempt to take up Benjamin, we cannot overlook the fact that Benjamin’s critique of capitalism focuses on the cultural level without including the “hidden abode of production” (Marx 1976, 279), i.e., the level of political economy (cf. Böttcher 2021, 35ff). Moreover, Benjamin’s characterization of “capitalism as religion” remains phenomenologically truncated (cf. Kurz 2012, 389ff), thus requiring corrective further thinking with regard to a Marx-oriented critique of fetishism. In connection with political-economic and fetishism-critical insights, Benjamin’s thinking can provide insights into what he described as the catastrophe and what we describe as the final crisis of capitalism.

2.Can the Story Be Recognized?

With the looming dangers of fascism and war, Benjamin’s thinking in the 1920s and 30s focused on the question of history. His last text, written in the form of theses, “On the Concept of History” (Benjamin 2006, 389-400) was inspired by the Hitler-Stalin Pact – “in a race against Hitler’s extermination apparatus” (Werner 2011, 7). At its core is the question of the relationship between the past and the present. They are connected by a “time-kernel that is planted in both the knower and the known” (Benjamin 1989, 51). This “time-kernel” makes history recognizable.

Benjamin thus distinguishes himself from a bourgeois concept of truth that emphasizes the timelessness of truth. At the same time, he marks a contrast with Heidegger’s connection of “Being and Time” (Heidegger 2008). In Heidegger’s understanding of time, real history does not occur. History becomes historicity, an existential of time. Above all, Benjamin distinguishes himself from historicism. The latter wants to recognize history “the way it really was” (Benjamin 2006, 391). In doing so, historicism starts from the present and tries to explain how the present came to be by “empathizing” with the past. Benjamin criticizes the fact that what was victorious becomes the starting point for the question of history, and the propagated “sympathy” with the past becomes sympathy “with the victor” (ibid.). Only what has survived victoriously comes into view. The failed, the downfalls and catastrophes as well as the victims as the defeated in history disappear. Benjamin, on the other hand, insists on the “time-kernel” that, in the constellation of past and present, makes history recognizable in the “now” in the face of imminent danger.

This has epistemological implications. Benjamin’s talk of the “time-kernel” is not – as Adorno notes – about “truth in history, but rather history in truth” (Adorno 2013, 135). So it cannot be the task of philosophy to grasp its time in thought in the Hegelian sense. For, according to Adorno, philosophy finds itself “in a reality whose order and form suppresses every claim to reason” (Adorno 1977, 120). Therefore, it is denied the possibility of placing itself in a positive relation to reality. If it does so, it “only veils reality and eternalizes its present condition” (ibid.).

Benjamin refers to history from its flip side, emphasizing that the concept of progress must be “grounded in the idea of catastrophe. That things are ‘status quo’ is the catastrophe.”  (Benjamin 2006, 184). History is not, as in Hegel, the self-revelation of spirit in a progressive process in which relations come to “reason.” They are not directed toward a positive end. In Hegel, this becomes a justification for the fact that the course of progress advancing on the “battlefield” (Hegel 1971, 46) of history involves sacrifices. They are to be accepted as unavoidable collateral damage or to be paid as the price of progress.

In contrast, Benjamin’s insistence that the “status quo” is the catastrophe makes clear that in the “status quo” history rolls over ruins, unfulfilled hopes, unrealized possibilities, in short: over its victims. They are consigned to oblivion, so that “even the dead will not be safe from the enemy if he is victorious” (Benjamin 2006, 391). To perceive the catastrophe that is happening now and to think about it allows what is lost and forgotten, not the victors but the defeated, to come into view and into materialist thinking. It becomes possible to “brush history against the grain” (ibid., 392).

3. Benjamin’s Struggle for Time and History as A Struggle Against the Myth of the Return of the Same in Capitalism.

Benjamin characterizes the time in which past and present enter into a constellation as “now-time” (Benjamin 2006, 395). In it, an image of the past flashes. It “holds fast to that image of the past which unexpectedly appears to the historical subject in a moment of danger” (Benjamin 2006, 391). Past and present enter into a constellation that makes them “recognizable.” The “moment of danger” for Benjamin is the spread of fascism and the threat of war. In the face of this danger, Benjamin makes clear in the theses “On the Concept of History” that the struggle against the totality of fascist relations of domination is linked to the struggle for the suppressed past, for all those who have been namelessly defeated in history. Therefore, history as the history of the victors must be interrupted, the “continuum of history,” as a homogeneous and empty flowing time of progress, must be blown up.

The fight against the dangers that flash and can be recognized in the present is a fight for time and history and therefore against myth. It is not determined by the time of history, but by the flowing time of the return of the same. Myth is about the course of nature, about the oneness with nature and its uniform flow of becoming, passing away and becoming again – not bound in temporal-historical constellations, but in the eternity of the cosmos and the constellations of the stars. In the myth time becomes an empty, uniform and homogeneous time.

In connection with political-economic and fetishism-critical insights, Benjamin’s struggle for time and history and against myth takes on clear contours as a struggle against capitalism.

For one thing: In capitalism, history is naturalized through competition. In it, the strong are selected from the weak and, as the crisis deepens, increasingly the useful from the “superfluous.” Those who prove to be strong enough in their ability to adapt have the best chances in the struggle for survival. Companies can only be fit for the future if they respond optimally to new economic situations. Individuals face the challenge of keeping themselves fit as an “entrepreneurial self” (Bröckling 2013) for the competitive struggle for work through permanent self-optimization – always ready to adapt on their own initiative. Those who prove too weak in this process are thrown out of the race. What Darwin thought he had recognized as the law of natural selection becomes law of capitalist-historical selection, the “biologization of world society” (Kurz 2009, 293ff).

Second, as Marx writes in his analysis of the fetish character of the commodity and its mystery, the social character of labor and the representationality of its products appear “as the socio-natural properties of these things” (Marx 1976, 165). The social context of commodity production appears as a natural context, the production of commodities as “natural.” It revolves – advancing in competition on an ever-increasing scale – around the always-same: the end in itself of the multiplication of capital. The always-same, however, is not history, but myth. Modernity cannot be described as rationalization or disenchantment – as Max Weber thought – but is instead characterized by (re)mythification and by magical enchantment. They find their expression in the phenomenon of the enchanting cult of commodities. This cannot be separated from the contexts of commodity production, distribution and consumption, i.e. from the myth represented by commodity production as a whole.

In the myth of commodity production, time becomes a homogeneously flowing and empty time; for the concrete time of labor is subsumed into the abstract time of value (Zamora 2022, 266ff). It is integrated into the qualitatively (i.e. in terms of content) empty flow of the self-valorization of capital as an abstract and empty end in itself. This goes hand in hand with a spiral of acceleration in which there is no rest – as Benjamin had described it on the level of the phenomenon of the permanence of the capitalist cult without interruption by feast days (cf. Benjamin 1921). The driving force behind this restlessness is the tension of raising the level of productivity under the constraints of competition. “[…] [V]alue which insists on itself as value preserves itself through increase; and it preserves itself precisely only by constantly driving beyond its quantitative barrier,” (Marx 1993, 270). In this process, the accumulation of capital moves in self-referential, empty and incomplete circuits that cannot stop at any external limit. Accumulation as an endless process is indispensable for reasons of self-preservation.

“The time of capital is marked by the paradox of a circularity directed towards the future. But this future is nothing other than the future of future circuits of accumulation” (Zamora 2018, 215). Therefore, the emptiness of the process of accumulation in terms of content is trapped in the homogeneous emptiness of time, which flows along as a recurrence of the same – with no goal and no perspective to escape the spell of the same over and over again. The fact that the new always replaces the old, that new products, brands, fashions and trends replace one another, only apparently contradicts this. What is decisive is “that the face of the world never changes precisely in what new, that the new is always the same in all its components” (Benjamin 2015a, 676). Even the new, in its constant change, cannot cover up the emptiness. It does not provide satisfaction and reassurance, but produces the boredom that is an expression of the emptiness that is supposed to be filled by constant newness. For bored customers, there are now offers of relief and deepening in the relevant event, esotericism and spirituality markets. They range from the intensification of experiences of happiness through experiences of spiritual depth to permanent entertainment through events (cf. Böttcher 2023, 81ff). More and more of the same is demanded and offered in the mythological cycle of the “return of the same.”

4. Limits for the “Return of The Same” And the Final Emptiness of Capitalism

Nevertheless, the “return of the same” cannot continue indefinitely. It comes up against a logical barrier, which Marx had described as the “moving contradiction” (Marx 1993, 706) of capital. Production conducted within the framework of competition forces labor to be replaced by technology as a source of value and surplus value. In the process, capital destroys its own foundations. With the microelectronic revolution, the disappearance of the substance of labor can no longer be compensated for by expanding production, reducing costs, making commodities cheaper, expanding markets, and so on. Thus the logical barrier also comes up against a historical limit which can no longer be overcome within the framework of capitalism.

Now, Benjamin did not include the “hidden abode of production” (Marx 1976, 279) in his critique of capitalism. Nevertheless, insights can be drawn from his critique, which focuses on phenomena that are important for confronting the crisis of capitalism that we are currently experiencing:

1. Benjamin had in mind the limits of capitalism at the level of guilt. He had characterized the capitalist cult as a “cult that creates guilt, not atonement” (Benjamin 1921), i.e. as a cult without the possibility of salvation. Even God is included in this cycle of guilt (ibid.). God is thus not simply dead, but his “transcendence is at an end” and God is thus “incorporated into human existence” (ibid). He does not stand opposite the conditions, transcending them. Rather, he becomes the expression of their immanent fetishization, the “real metaphysics” (Robert Kurz) of capitalist relations. In this sense, when capitalism becomes religion, it offers “not the reform of existence but its complete destruction. […] It is the expansion of despair, until despair becomes a religious state of the world” (ibid.). The essence of this religion is to persevere to the end, “to the point where God, too, finally takes on the entire burden of guilt, to the point where the universe has been taken over by that despair which is actually its secret hope” (ibid.). The end of the world then seems more conceivable than the end of capitalism (as Frederic Jameson has said).

2. According to Benjamin, the God concealed in the capitalist cult becomes recognizable at the zenith of indebtedness (see Benjamin 1921). Here, it becomes clear that today, the pseudo-accumulation of capital in the financial markets can no longer be related to real accumulation, which is why bubbles burst again and again. The flow of a homogeneous and empty time that Benjamin had associated with progress is recognizable in the deepening crisis of capitalist “real metaphysics” as the emptiness associated with the multiplication of capital as an abstract end in itself. It is empty of content in two ways. On the one hand, it is oriented not to qualities, that is, to content, but to quantity, that is, to multiplication in the abstract. The objects of the world are not recognized in their own quality, but only as material for the valorization of capital. Second: With the immanent crisis of valorization, which can no longer be overcome, the abstract and irrational end in itself, to increase capital/money for its own sake, itself runs into the void. Robert Kurz sees its potential for annihilation in the impossibility of resolving the “contradiction between the metaphysical emptiness and the ‘representational compulsion’ of value in the sensuous world” (Kurz 2021, 69). “This gives rise to a double potential of annihilation: an ‘ordinary,’ in a certain sense everyday one, as it has always resulted from the process of reproduction of capital, and a somewhat final one, when the process of divestment reaches absolute limits” (ibid. 70).

3. The naturalization of history, which Benjamin saw in the selection of the strong from the weak, takes on a destructive character as the crisis progresses. It barbarizes itself into a social Darwinist struggle for existence, which can be tamed less and less by political regulations. This finds its expression in the so-called polycrisis of state collapse, wars and civil wars, the destruction of livelihoods, migration and flight, escalating violence in state repression, and barbaric struggles for survival. The fight is to the death. But there is virtually nothing left at stake, because the capitalist struggle for social Darwinist self-assertion is coming to nothing. Catastrophe is inherent in the process of valorization of capital. In the logic of the valorization of capital as an end in itself, there can be no emancipation, but only ruin and destruction.

5. The Present Moment of Danger: World Destruction and Self-Destruction

The current “moment of danger” (Benjamin 2006, 391) is probably the war in Ukraine. In it flashes the world order wars that are waged primarily in regions where states are collapsing. They are an illusory response to the “territorial system of sovereignty that is beginning to disintegrate before the eyes of the democratic-capitalist apparatuses, which unintentionally support this process” (Kurz 2021, 414). In the war in Ukraine, it becomes clear that the so-called great powers, who have nuclear weapons of mass destruction, are also involved in the processes of capitalist disintegration. They are fighting for self-assertion in the processes of disintegration. This struggle also comes to nothing, because there is no prospect of a new regime of accumulation that could serve as the basis for a new hegemonic “world order” (cf. Konicz 2022).

At the same time, isolated and disoriented individuals are driven into a competitive struggle for self-assertion. Under the pressure of a permanent and unattainable process of self-optimization, it is a matter of self-submission to be achieved on one’s own initiative. In this process, the “self-referentiality of the empty metaphysical form” (Kurz 2021, 69) does not remain external to the subjects. Rather, they are forced to deal with the crisis processes to which they are exposed within this form. These struggles, too, come to nothing the more labor as the basis of individual agency and autonomous self-consciousness dissolves.

The universe, “taken over by that despair which is actually its secret hope” (Benjamin 1921), interacts with the “condition” in which individuals have to process the crisis dynamics. In this process, the defense against the experiences of powerlessness and humiliation through hallucinations of greatness and power can also occur in self-destruction (cf. Böttcher, Elisabeth 2022). Attempts to ward off the empty self and to defend it in an identitarian way could be means by which the defense of Western freedom and the willingness to accept the price of world annihilation for it in the face of hopelessness gain plausibility. The “greatness” of the Western world is then shown in the willingness give one’s life for it.

The final promise of self-efficacious greatness is the willingness to destroy oneself and the world. It offers itself as the possibility to show greatness and to demonstrate power through acts of destruction. On the social level, too, rampages come within reach. Robert Kurz had hinted at it when he wrote: “The concept of the democratic rampage is […] to be taken quite literally on the level of military action. […] The more untenable and dangerous the world situation becomes, the more the military aspect comes to the fore and the less hesitation there is to use high-tech violence on a large scale without asking questions” (Kurz 2021, 429). The “unmanageable world” and “the incomprehensibility of the problems” can mobilize a “diffuse rage for destruction” (ibid.).

The nation-states that confront each other in blocs in warlike or dangerous constellations are part of the insane capitalist fetish system that has reached the limits of its reproductive capacity and within which there can be no peaceful coexistence. “In the world of consummate capitalism, only open madness is realistic. Under these conditions, so-called pragmatism itself inevitably takes on eschatological features” (Kurz, 2001, 343).

6. The Question of Salvation

6.1 Interruption and Dialectics at a Standstill

In the “moment of danger” that Benjamin recognizes in the threat of fascism and war, the question becomes urgent as to what might save us from the catastrophic flow of empty, homogeneous time in the continuum of capitalist progress. For Benjamin, the possibility of salvation depends on interrupting the empty and homogeneous flow of time and blowing up the “continuum of history” (Benjamin 2006, 396). It goes hand in hand with the refusal to forget and disregard what empty time has rolled over, not least the “name[s] of generations of the downtrodden” (ibid., 394). The constellation that becomes recognizable “at the moment of danger” does not prepare the way for a smooth transition, a gentle transformation into something new, but discharges itself in a “shock” (ibid., 396) that becomes an interruption of the “always the same” in the course of catastrophe.

In a “dialectical image,” the past flashes up “in the now of its recognizability” (Benjamin 2006, 183). In this, the past “bears to the highest degree the stamp of a critical, dangerous element” (Benjamin 2015, 578). That which “has been can become the dialectical envelope, the incursion of awakened consciousness” (ibid., 491). The awakening is an awakening from sleep and mythical reverie, from capitalism, which had come over Europe as a “phenomenon of nature” and brought “a reactivation of mythic forces” (ibid. 494).

The “dialectical image” allows us to awaken from the dream and brings to light “not yet conscious knowledge of what has been.” Awakening is linked to remembering what has perished in history, especially the victims over whose corpses progress has rolled. It aims at “history that, from the very beginning, has been untimely, sorrowful, unsuccessful” (Benjamin 1998, 155).

6.2 The Question of Salvation in the Crisis of Capitalism as the Present “Moment of Danger”

In the present “moment of danger” the tendency toward world and self-annihilation becomes recognizable. The potential for the “reform of (capitalist, H.B.) existence” (Benjamin 1921) is exhausted. This hopelessness amounts to “destruction” (ibid.), to the destruction of the coexistence of man and nature as the basis of all life.

In the present constellation, the flashing “dialectical image” would be decipherable as an interruption of the “status quo” within the framework of capitalist fetish relations and their “real metaphysics.” The god or fetish hidden in the course of capitalism becomes recognizable at the zenith of the crisis. We must break with it, i.e. with the categories that constitute capitalism: with value and dissociation at the most abstract level, as well as with their mediation in money as the most abstract expression of the emptiness of the capitalist process of the valorization of capital, with their embedding in the polarities of market and state, economy and politics, with subject and enlightenment… The challenge lies in a consistent critique of capitalist fetish relations, which at the same time implies a demythologization of the capitalist myth. It must resist the temptation to fall back on (vulgar-)materialist immediacies – be it in the form of a recourse to class, interest, identifiable agents, or a praxis that aims at transformation and alternatives in false immediacy (cf. Kurz 2021, 365ff). On closer examination, the latter often turn out to be pseudo-alternatives that do not involve a break with capitalist categories, but remain trapped in the fetishized forms of its constitution (see Meyer 2022).

The “dialectical image” that flashes by in the midst of the deepening crisis of capitalism (Benjamin 1921) flashes what capitalism is rolling over and has rolled over, what has perished in its history and is doomed in the present. It implies an objection to the Social Darwinist character of the history of capitalism, which selects the victors from the vanquished in the struggle for existence, and where, in the escalating crisis, there is “nothing left to lose,” and it amounts to annihilation. It aims at an “arrest” of the “movement of thought” (Benjamin 2006, 396), at “dialectics at a standstill.”It enables “dialecticians of history” to “contemplate” the constellation of dangers, to “follow their development in thought,”and to “avert” them “at any time at the spur of the moment” (Benjamin 2006, 595). This remains impossible without thinking about the downfall of capitalism and without breaking with capitalist fetish relations, including the temptation to seek immanent ways out within the framework of capitalist categories in a seamless continuation of the “status quo.”

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